A referendum to end the crisis in Tibet

By Tsering Passang (First published on 30 August 2012 by openDemocracy.net)

Allowing Tibetans in Tibet to choose their own destiny may be the only way to end the current crisis and political deadlock.

In November 2008, the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile convened the First Special General Meeting on Tibet in Dharamsala, northern India, attracting 560 Tibetan delegates from nineteen countries. After six days of intense deliberations on ways to find a resolution to the urgent crisis in Tibet, the summit released final recommendations, which included urging the continued leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and pursuing his ‘Middle-Way’ Approach. I attended this important meeting from London.

Four years on, many changes have taken place worldwide, including the Arab Spring that brought the downfall of repressive regimes in some North African countries, and the creation of a new state – South Sudan. On the Sino-Tibetan conflict, despite unprecedented events of over 50 Tibetan self-immolations, Beijing and Dharamsala are currently in a political stalemate. Repeated calls from Dharamsala that urged the Chinese authorities to allow foreign journalists, diplomats and independent monitoring groups to assess the real situation inside Tibet not only fell on deaf ears in Beijing, but the Communist rulers refuse to acknowledge any problems in Tibet.

Meanwhile, few major changes have taken place in the domestic Tibetan political scene within the exiled community. In the past year, His Holiness the Dalai Lama took a drastic decision to transfer his remaining political authority to the elected Tibetan leadership, thus turning his earlier ‘semi-retirement’ into ‘full-retirement’ from the political leadership, resulting in the transformation to a fully functioning Tibetan democratic society. This also paved the way for a historic ending to 369 years of the Dalai Lama Institution’s (also known as the Gaden Phodrang) political reign over the Tibetan people.

It is just over a year that the young, charismatic, Harvard-educated and exiled born Tibetan legal scholar, Dr Lobsang Sangay, was elected by the Tibetan diaspora as its political leader, commonly known as the Kalon Tripa of the Central Tibetan Administration (or Prime Minister of Tibetan Government-in-Exile). The new Tibetan leader in Dharamsala has recently come under increased pressure to contain the ongoing self-immolations in Tibet. Dr Sangay has publicly stated that since his accession to the exiled political leadership, the number of self-immolations by young Tibetans in Tibet has increased dramatically. Beijing has pointed fingers at exiled Tibetan ‘splitists’ as the masterminds behind such tragic acts. Dr Sangay hit back by stating that the ‘repressive policies of China’ have led to such desperate acts by Tibetans living under the Chinese communist rule.

In June this year, two senior envoys of the Dalai Lama – Lodi Gyari and Kelsang Gyaltsen – resigned from their posts out of sheer ‘frustration’ at the lack of progress during nine rounds of talks with the Chinese Communist Party representatives, which started in 2002. The envoys stated that Beijing “did not respond positively” to the detailed proposal of the Dalai Lama’s ‘Middle-Way’ policy, documented in the ‘Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People’ and the follow-up ‘Note on Memorandum’, which they submitted to their Chinese counterparts in 2008 and 2010 respectively.

Earlier in the year, the elected Tibetan leadership in Dharamsala announced the convening of a Second Special General Meeting to discuss the current urgent crisis in Tibet. Some 500 Tibetan delegates from around the world are expected to attend this special meeting in Dharamsala from 25 to 28 September.

Given the current situation, I hope that the Tibetan delegates will pay some attention to one of the recommendations from the First Special General Meeting which called to ‘pursue complete independence or self-determination if no result comes out in the near future’. If the forthcoming special meeting is to be taken as a serious follow-up to the first one, then Dharamsala must not only thoroughly review the core issues and necessary strategic action plans but, in my view, it also needs to actively pursue some well thought-out plans, including advocating for an acceptable channel through which the Tibetans in Tibet could have a voice in their own destiny and not just react to external events.

Since the Tibetan people have the right to claim ‘self-determination’ under international law, they should never lose sight of this universally acceptable resolution for Tibet’s future. More so, they must remind and demand that the Tibetan and Chinese leaders in Dharamsala and Beijing respect and secure the Tibetan people’s fundamental interests.

It is also long overdue that the international community bears some moral responsibility in helping to resolve the ongoing political and human crisis in China-occupied Tibet. Tibetans have received a great deal of sympathy from people across the world to their peaceful struggle, which they appreciate. The recent Europe Solidarity Rally for Tibet, held in Vienna on 26 May 2012, is another example of Europeans’ continued support for the Tibetan cause.

A meaningful global support could be aiming to facilitate a referendum for Tibetans in Tibet, whereby they would be given the freedom to express whether they wish to remain under the present rule of the Communist Party of the People’s Republic of China, or choose a different form of political governance to cater their needs.

It is also time for Tibetans to knock on the doors of the UN and other major international bodies such as the EU, ASEAN and SAARC countries, calling for tangible multi-lateral action whilst seeking increased co-operation from the alliance (both governmental and non-governmental) of political leaders, law makers, leading world figures and support groups who are sympathetic to the Tibetan cause.

In addition, the forthcoming summit in Dharamsala should unanimously call upon the Central Tibetan Administration to convene an international conference on Tibet in 2013, to coincide with the 100 years of proclamation of Tibet’s independence by the Great Thirteenth Dalai Lama, with invitations reaching representatives of countries worldwide, to prepare for a multi-lateral roadmap towards a peaceful resolution of the Tibetan situation.Image

China’s convenient truths about Tibet

Letter to The Editor: guardian-logo

The Guardian, Wednesday 30 November 2011 21.00 GMT

Dai Qingli has entirely failed to recognise the Chinese government’s wronged policies in Tibet that subsequently led to 12 young Tibetans resorting to self-immolation since 2009 (Letters, 26 November). The allegation that it is highly likely these Tibetans have “fallen victim to the control of an abnormal force” is clearly an affront to what are actually desperate bids towards highlighting the deteriorating situation under the Chinese rule in Tibet. Had Dai Qingli’s government in Beijing taken corrective and progressive measures by allowing the Tibetan people to freely exercise their aspirations and rights, then those young Tibetans would never have had to resort to such desperate acts.

Dai Qingli writes: “People in Tibet have legal channels to make their voices heard.” This statement could not be further from the sad truth. Countless legal cases for Tibetans are quashed by Chinese authorities, and are now clearly overdue the attention they deserve. For example, Dhondup Wangchen, a Tibetan filmmaker, was arrested in March 2008 for making a documentary, Leaving Fear Behind. In his film, Wangchen travelled across Tibet seeking Tibetans’ views on the Beijing Olympics, Chinese policies in Tibet and the Dalai Lama. On 28 December 2009 Dhondup was charged with “inciting separatism” and “subversion of state power” for simply making his documentary. He is serving a six-year jail sentence and has struggled to get legal representation, as the authorities have threatened to close law firms if they attempt to represent him.

This is the reality of the Chinese government’s convenient truth about the availability of legal channels in Tibet.
Tsering Passang

Link: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/nov/30/china-convenient-truths-about-tibet


Securing Tibetan people’s interests: The Dalai Lama knows best

By Tsering Passang (First published by Tibet Society, 26 April 2011)

“The Fourteenth Dalai Lama will be compelled to do this at whatever cost to Tibet; and, paradoxically, the only way by which he might ultimately betray his people is by refusing to do it.”

(From: ‘The Presence of Tibet’ by British author, Lois Lang-Sims, 1963)

In the midst of the political turmoil in northern Africa and the Middle-East, Kyabgön Gyalwang Tenzin Gyatso, His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet, chose March this year to formally declare his ultimate decision of radical yet progressive political reforms for a better future for Tibet.

The successive Dalai Lamas have inherited the political leadership over Böd Gyal-khab (Tibetan Nation) after the founding in 1642 of the Böd-zhung Ganden Phodrang (Ganden Phodrang Government of Tibet). Today, Tibetans on both sides (in Chinese-occupied Tibet as well as those in exile) have unshakable and deepest faith, respect and above all complete trust in the 14th Dalai Lama.

For over 360 years of successive Dalai Lama rule, the Tibetan Government in Exile (otherwise known as the Central Tibetan Administration, now based in Dharamsala) is not only the continuation of the Böd-zhung Ganden Phodrang in independent Tibet, but this is the unbroken legitimate government and the true representative of the Tibetan people both in and outside Tibet, regardless of the current illegitimate rule by the Chinese Communist Party.

Last month in Dharamsala, the Dalai Lama vividly explained the reasons behind his firm and “final” decision to end the political authority of the Ganden Phodrang (also known as the Dalai Lama Institution), which would “benefit Tibetans in the long run”. His Holiness chose to voluntarily and gracefully hand over political power to leaders elected by the people.

We should note that it is His Holiness who first introduced democracy to the Tibetan people over 50 years ago. There is no question that the Tibetan people are immensely indebted to His Holiness for over six decades of compassionate leadership – both temporal and spiritual.

The Dalai Lama knows best

Many Tibet watchers have called this latest development a ‘smart move’ on the Dalai Lama’s part, whereas, Beijing immediately flogged out its unsurprising rhetoric by accusing His Holiness of playing “tricks to deceive the international community”. For the Tibetan people, His Holiness the Dalai Lama knows the best way forward. Political leaders must put their people’s interests first, which is exactly what the Dalai Lama has done in this case. However, the Chinese leadership has not only failed to ignore the Tibetan people’s needs but completely vilified the Dalai Lama. For this very reason, the Chinese Communist Party will never be able to represent the true wishes of the Tibetan people and claim to legitimate rule over the Tibetan Nation is therefore only a wild dream.

It should also be noted that the Dalai Lama’s decisive shift comes at a time when the Chinese leaders in Beijing deliberately back-tracked after nine rounds of dialogue between His Holiness’s Envoys and the Chinese representatives (from 2002 to 2009). During this time China has steadfastly refused to give any credence to the Dalai Lama’s ‘Middle-Way’ Approach. Though the ‘Middle-Way’ has the strong backing of the current Tibetan Parliament and Kashag (Tibetan Cabinet) this could change in coming years with a new leadership in place.

There is no doubt in the minds of the Tibetan people that the 14th Dalai Lama is the most compassionate and one of the greatest reformers amongst all the Tibetan leaders in history, despite His Holiness enjoying very little ‘physical jurisdiction’ over his people inside Tibet. In view of the current reality, Tibetans in Tibet still look towards His Holiness in India as their future hope and saviour. His Holiness has seen four successive Chinese presidents, and will see more in the years to come, presiding with absolute power over a country with the world’s largest population of 1.3 billion people.

We know that our just struggle is passing through a very difficult period of Tibetan history. His Holiness is well aware that the Chinese Government has poured billions of Chinese Yuan into Tibet over the past 60 years, ever since their occupation of the Tibetan lands. His Holiness knows the huge influx into the Tibetan areas of millions of Chinese migrants, including PLA troops, not only encourages ‘cultural assimilation’ but also increases the exploitation of Tibet’s rich natural resources. The Tibetan Leader also knows that the Chinese Communist Party is responsible for the continued destruction of Tibet’s fragile ecology, threatening the livelihoods of not only the Tibetans but the two billion people who rely on Tibet’s glacial waters.

These are all in addition to Beijing’s deliberate policies to subdue the Tibetan people’s wishes and their basic rights in exercising universal freedom of speech, religion and human rights. Even displaying devotion to His Holiness the Dalai Lama in public places in Tibet is not only forbidden but subject to serious penalties. Beijing’s so-called “50 Years of Democratic Reform in Tibet”, pompously celebrated in 2009, showcased its full colonial power in Tibet. The Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) has yet to see the appointment of a Tibetan as Party Secretary. All TAR Party Secretaries to date have been Han Chinese. This says it all!

Supporting the Dalai Lama’s wishes

During a meeting with British Members of Parliament at Westminster in London in May 2008, His Holiness said that he was on “semi-retirement” from the exiled Tibetan political leadership and was looking forward to “complete retirement”. Later that year, I penned an article entitled, The China-Tibet Conflict: Need for Historic Decisions, in which I made a reference to His Holiness’s wishes and wrote, “We should seriously note this [his intended retirement], while celebrating his massive achievements in many walks of life. The achievement that eludes him is a political solution to the China-Tibet conflict. His Holiness has led the Tibetan nation since the age of 16 and the failure in this area cannot be put down to any lack of effort or goodwill. But His Holiness deserves a rest and it is time for other leaders to emerge and put forward alternative proposals.”

In the same article, in the context of Dharamsala-Beijing dialogue, I wrote, “In the event of a stalemate and failure to progress then I think Dharamsala has to remodel its existing political structures and perhaps adopt a new direction, whereby people can freely share their strongly-held views. This means that they should not be required to accept uncritically every statement by His Holiness. Such passivity adversely hinders the democratisation of Tibetan society by rendering it politically immature. People who genuinely hold alternative views from those of the Dalai Lama should not be slammed or denounced as unpatriotic. Tibetans need to grow up politically. We need to revise the “Charter” and separate Chos-Sid, religion and politics.”

Now that His Holiness has made his historic decision to effect faster reforms for Tibet’s long-term future, challenging tasks lay ahead for the 43-elected Chithues (or MPs), the majority of whom are ‘part-timers’, as well as with other top leaders including the directly elected Kalon Tripa (de facto Tibetan Prime Minister). They should not only take heed of His Holiness’s progressive decision but with the help of experts, if required, from outside the Tibetan Government in Exile, must take decisive actions to secure the long-term interests of the Tibetan people and prepare for our national struggle in the years to come.

The Dalai Lama as Tibet’s ‘Head of State’

Whilst accepting the radical democratisation of our Tibetan society for a better future, in my view, we should respond to His Holiness’s recent call positively and yet continue to have the Ganden Phodrang, whereby the successive Dalai Lamas enjoy the aspect of the ‘spiritual leadership’ over our people. This should be clearly prescribed in our Charter. We know that the Dalai Lama Institution has brought immense benefit and compassionate leadership to the people of Tibet over the centuries, and we should maintain this connection legally. However, we should also be prepared for the era following the current Dalai Lama – a situation most likely to be abused by Communist China.

It is my strong contention the time has come that we should separate the current dual ‘Chos’ and ‘Sid’ (i.e. ‘religion’ and ‘politics’) from the governance of the Tibetan polity. In other words, the Ganden Phodrang would no longer enjoy any political power in exile or in future Tibet. However, it is in the interest of the Tibetan people to have successive Dalai Lamas as ‘Head of State’ of the Tibetan Nation, whereby, the Dalai Lama of the day would only act as a ‘figure head’ and take the ‘oath’ of the elected Kalon Tripa until the day comes when we want to declare the ‘Republic of Tibet’.

By continuing as Head of State, the Dalai Lama would maintain the connection as well as the legitimacy that the Ganden Phodrang has enjoyed over the Tibetan people for more than 360 years, long before the Chinese Communist Party was founded. We should put this case amongst other important matters to His Holiness the Dalai Lama for further review following the forthcoming Tibetan National General Meeting in Dharamsala at the end of May.

Tibetan ‘respect’ versus a Westerner’s viewpoint

The Tibetan people know that support for their freedom from the international community is currently limited, mostly due to the fear of offending the world’s second largest economy and losing trade. China’s increasing prominence in international issues, particularly via their role on the UN Security Council and Beijing’s growing ‘soft power’ influence abroad, e.g. in Africa and South America, also reduces the number of countries willing to criticise the Chinese Government’s policies in Tibet.

During 360 years of Böd-zhung Ganden Phodrang’s reign over Tibet, the Tibetan people’s deep faith and respect in His Holiness the Dalai Lama has been resolute and we continue to place our full trust in Him. The Tibetan Parliament and the Kalon Tripa have repeatedly requested the 14th Dalai Lama not to transfer Ganden Phodrang’s political power to the elected leaders. This is, of course, an indication of how deeply we respect and place our trust and faith in the 14th Dalai Lama and seek His Holiness’s continued leadership. But we also know that it is absolutely right of His Holiness to dismiss the pleas from the Tibetan Parliament for the benefit of the long-term interests of the Tibetan people and the future of Tibet.

A Tibetan friend of mine recently drew my attention to a book written by British author, Lois Lang-Sims entitled, ‘The Presence of Tibet’ published in 1963. One passage is of particular relevance today. It reads, “The most that lover of Tibet is entitled to state with firmness is that certain courses would be, in his or her own view, harmful and erroneous: no one but the Tibetans has the right to go further than this – and yet on the other hand, one has the right to go so far without giving at least some indication of an alternative which might hold out little hope; hence the tentative suggestions I have made concerning the future of His Holiness. In fact, of course, the very nature of Tibetan predicament is inseparable from the fact that in the 20th Century world every individual is being compelled to pursue his own truth. The 14th Dalai Lama will be compelled to do this at whatever cost to Tibet; and, paradoxically, the only way by which he might ultimately betray his people is by refusing to do it.”

Though I am neither a legal and constitutional expert nor an historian, or even fully understand the current ‘Charter for Tibetans in Exile’, one thing I do know, as a commoner, is that our leaders whether inside Tibet or in exile should serve the Tibetan people’s interests first. So, when amending the existing Charter, following His Holiness’s recent decision, our Chithues should put the Tibetan people and the national interests before their personal ‘faith’ in the Spiritual Leader or Tsawai Lama. I fully supported His Holiness’s wishes expressed in 2008, and support his most recent call for further political reform, though I must admit I accept this with a heavy heart.

In the past 15 years, since my college days, having taken a keen interest in current Tibetan affairs, I have interacted directly with over 20 Chithues during their visits to the UK or during my trips to Nepal and India. I must say that my experience with our elected Tibetan Chithues has not been very encouraging, unlike my exchanges with British MPs, to say the least! Democratically elected MPs are supposed to represent their people. They are given the mandate to serve in the Tibetan Parliament to secure Tibet and the Tibetan people’s interests whether this means amending the Charter, advancing further democratisation of Tibetan society or taking new initiatives to improve the lives of our people.

As a responsible Tibetan, I decided to write to my two European Tibetan Chithues in addition to one from North America the day after His Holiness’s 2011 March 10th statement, and urged them to support the Dalai Lama’s call for further political reform. I emphasised that any amendments in the Charter, should serve the long-term interests of Tibet and the Tibetan people. Of course, I had hoped that the Honourable Chithues would consider my request in Parliament. Ten days later, I submitted a further petition to the Tibetan Parliament, when the members were in their parliamentary session, on the same matter calling for their support.

One Chithues replied back, and to my surprise he wrote, “It is very regrettable that Tibetans like you now feel overjoyed in hoping to displace His Holiness at moment’s notice and opportunity.” He went on to say, “Frankly, I find such thought both revolting and unimaginable, especially by us Tibetans. I suppose such are facts of life now widely accepted by minority of Tibetans in exile under the new terminology of so called “democracy””.

We are often told to lobby MPs in our country of residence, and they usually respond with due care and diligence, but when we exercise similar rights with our own elected Tibetan Chithues, the response is very different. What does this mean? It seems that the elected Tibetan MPs have no confidence in the Tibetan people’s faith and deep respect in His Holiness. Labelling ‘minority’ vocal Tibetans as ‘ungrateful’ to His Holiness the Dalai Lama particularly by those in the public offices, to me, not only shows their political immaturity but raises the question of their ‘real’ purpose of representing the Tibetan masses in our Parliament.

Final point and conclusion

A final and a very important point to note by the leaders in exile as well as those in Tibet is the recent follow-up remarks by His Holiness in relation to his retirement from political responsibilities during a public teaching in Dharamsala on 19th March 2011. The Dalai Lama said that the leaders of the Tibetan autonomous areas in Tibet should find ways to provide a democratic system in order to represent the Tibetan people’s interests.

His Holiness appealed to the leaders in Tibet and Beijing saying, “Those of us in exile, though remaining as refugees in alien countries, have carried out a genuine electoral process. If those leaders are really capable and confident, then let the Tibetans inside Tibet democratically elect their own leaders. Whatever the case may be in the rest of China, if we could emulate the exile system in Tibet itself then it would be very good.”

In conclusion, from past experience, merely showing our ‘complete faith’ in His Holiness the Dalai Lama has neither helped to develop our society, nor going to resolve the China-Tibet issue. Since our previous elder generations did not give much attention to the warning to modernise Tibet, issued by the Great 13th Dalai Lama nearly a century ago, we lost our country. Now, if we do not give heed to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s repeated counsel, we can predict our future with certainty!

Thin Ice on the Horizon for Tibetans in Nepal

A personal observation on the situation of Tibetans in Nepal with special reference to Mustang

By Tsering Passang (First published by The Nepal Monitor on 3rd October 2009)

A brief history – Mustang and Tibet connection

The ancient kingdom of Lo, also known as the forbidden kingdom of Mustang, is situated in a spectacular location on a high plateau in central Asia, hidden behind an almost impassable wall of the high Himalayas. Originally part of Ngari in western Tibet, Mustang became an independent kingdom in the 14th century, but is today part of Nepal. However, its culture, Buddhist religion and language have long been shared with the people of Tibet. Its people, known as the Lo-pa (ethnic Tibetans), speak a dialect of Tibetan and are devout Buddhists. The population of approximately 8000 is made up of a hardy, self sufficient people with a great respect for their natural surroundings.

When Tibet was invaded by the People’s Republic of China in 1950, His Holiness the Dalai Lama was forced to flee Tibet into exile, after the failed Tibetan National Uprising in Lhasa in March 1959. Some 80,000 Tibetans followed their leader to India. Over the following years, more Tibetans fled into the neighbouring countries including Nepal and Bhutan.

A contingent of dedicated Tibetan freedom fighters, over 2000 volunteers, was regrouped in exile to launch resistance against the China’s illegal rule in Tibet. In the 1960s and early ‘70s, Tibetan resistance fighters, popularly known as “Khampa Guerrillas”, based their covert operation in Mustang, funded by the CIA, from where they conducted military raids into Tibet. A majority of the Tibetan resistance fighters and their families are now resettled in Pokhara and Kathmandu valleys where they have lived since the end of their resistance movement in Mustang in 1974. Mustang is also home to several hundred Tibetan refugees with most of them based in the Lower Mustang (known as Lo-Tserok) Namgyal Ling Tibetan Refugee Settlement.

Local and International Efforts – Preserving Tibetan Culture

As a result of China’s occupation of Tibet, the Tibetan culture faces the danger of extinction. The situation is dire and unless efforts are made to preserve it in other areas of the Himalayas – like Mustang – it may be lost forever. This is why children from Mustang are often sent to Tibetan schools and monasteries in the lowlands of Nepal and in India, where they receive traditional Tibetan and modern education.

An increasing number of foreign donor and aid agencies are in partnership partnering with the local Nepalese NGOs, who are making great efforts towards the preservation work of Tibetan Buddhist cultural heritage in the region. Huge credit must be paid to the people of Mustang for their initiative, to Tibetan refugee friends for providing the Buddhist knowledge, and to donor agencies for their continued generous financial support.

Sadly, such sincere efforts sometimes draw criticism from the local Nepalese media, including misreporting, and often bring suspicion from the Chinese authorities.

The successful Mustang Teaching and Learning Programme I describe briefly below provides a very positive example of a local Nepali NGO, educational developers from abroad and a British development agency working effectively together in response to a local initiative. In this case the initiative came from Tibetan refugee and local teachers who asked for a training programme, designed to meet their particular needs. The long term aims of the resulting two stages. Programmes are to make a contribution to the progress of the Mustang region and to help meet the aspirations of its people. I am fortunate enough to be part of this Programme team and to be able to contribute towards realising these aims.

Teaching & Learning (Teachers Training) Development Programme in Mustang

The initial idea to provide this training programme was conceived in autumn 2008, following my personal visit to Mustang, where I met several Tibetan refugee teachers. The need was identified then and following a further survey earlier this year, it was finally implemented in June.

This intensive training programme was prepared and delivered by two highly experienced professionals – Roger Catchpole (British) and Michèle Laouenan (French). They built on their past experience including their teaching and learning project in Eastern Tibet, where they worked with Tibetan and Chinese teachers. Roger has had a long career as a teacher and as an educational developer at the University of Plymouth. He has also worked on a wide range of educational projects in the UK, Asia and Southern Africa. Roger has carried out consultancy and development work for organisations including UNHCR, the British Council and the EU Education Office in Nepal. Michèle has also had a long career as a lecturer at Plymouth University and also as a languages advisor with Cornwall County Council. She continues to lead EU Educational programmes.

This Teaching & Learning Development Programme, said to be the first of its kind ever delivered in Mustang, was conducted under the auspices of London-based Tibet Foundation.  Maitri Ratna Nepal, a Kathmandu-based Nepalese NGO, cooperated with providing the local logistics.

In addition to providing the required practical skills to the teachers, the programme was also aimed at confidence-building and introducing creative and interactive learning in their teaching.

Twenty-five teachers participated including 19 Tibetan refugees, 5 ethnic Tibetans and 1 Nepalese. These teachers had never received such training in their lives apart from the few Nepalese Government-funded teachers. Most of these Tibetan refugee teachers are teaching in the Upper Mustang (special permits are required for foreigners), which is several days on horse-ride/trek from Jomsom, the district Headquarters. They are working in schools across Mustang, which are run and supported by the local and foreign NGOs, the Buddhist monasteries and the Nepalese Government.

Since these schools do not fall under the jurisdiction of Tibetan refugee community in Nepal the Tibetan teachers do not receive any training opportunities from the concerned authorities. The Nepalese Government provides necessary training to its citizens but the Tibetan refugees do not qualify for such schemes. Despite lack of training, these young Tibetans believe in power of education. They are very dedicated and curious to learn and try new things, and also to find out news from the outside world. Tibetan culture and religion form a very important aspect in their lives.

This short intensive training was primarily targeted for the Tibetan refugee teachers, who are disadvantaged in these ways, as part of capacity-building programme. Invitations were also extended to ethnic Tibetan as well as the Nepalese teachers, who teach in the Government-run schools in the region. The young Tibetan refugee teachers, who were born in Nepal (mostly in their 20s and 30s), migrated from the settlements in Pokhara valley, where nearly 3000 Tibetan refugees live. With the steady growth of Tibetan population in exile, the younger people are often finding difficult to get jobs in their refugee settlements. So they journey to bigger cities like Kathmandu or to where there are more demands such as rural Mustang region. They do this despite the difficulties they endure by leaving their families back in the settlements and the hardships they often encounter working at higher altitudes. It is interesting that many of these young Tibetans have some connections with Mustang and its people because their parents had previously lived there and few of them were even born there.

Venerable Khenpo Tsewang Rigzin, the Abbot of Pal Ewam Namgyal Thupten Dhargyeling Monastery, Upper Mustang, who sent three Tibetan refugee teachers from the same monastic school for the training, addressed the closing ceremony, saying, “The people of Lo-Mustang has not been able to produce qualified teachers to teach [Tibetan Buddhism and language] to the younger generation.” Echoing the Tibetan Spiritual Leader’s concern, (he lives in India and is deeply revered by ethnic Tibetans of Mustang and other Himalayan regions), the Abbot added, “His Holiness the Dalai Lama has often said, and also more recently re-emphasised during the Kalachakra teaching, that the people of the Himalayan region have extra responsibility to work towards preserving the Tibetan Buddhist culture, which we the people of Lo-Mustang share with the Tibetans.”

With his own personal experience of difficulties in recruiting and retaining Tibetan refugee teachers especially in Upper Mustang, Khenpo Tsewang Rigzin, who follows the Sakya tradition of Tibetan Buddhism, called for patience from the Tibetan refugee teachers by saying, “Mustang is a remote place and it is very difficult to get things here that we could easily find in Pokhara, so please be patient with us. As teachers you have a very important responsibility to assist us towards the ultimate goal of preserving Tibetan Buddhist culture.” Whilst thanking the trainers and organisers for the intensive training, the native Buddhist Lama, speaking in a local Tibetan dialect said, “I offer these scarves (Tibetan greeting) on behalf of all the people of Mustang, not just from the Namgyal Monastery, for helping us towards achieving our goals.”

It was certainly encouraging and worthwhile to work with the local partners towards the development and preservation of their ancient Buddhist culture, which the native people in the region continue to cherish. Venerable Khenpo Tsewang Rigzin’s appeal for continued assistance and cooperation from the Tibetan refugee community towards the preservation of ancient Buddhist culture and Tibetan studies should not go unheard. The Tibetan refugee community and other partner agencies including the Nepalese Government should enhance their practical support to the local people, and encourage their initiative and effort. It also reminds us of the importance of providing the necessary training for teachers so that they are well equipped to assist the younger generation in developing their knowledge and skills.

Tibetans in Nepal – The Current Situation

I am very familiar with the situation of Tibetans in Nepal because I was born and grew up there. As a student, when entering Nepal from India/UK, I encountered physical and verbal abuse from the Nepalese authorities at immigration checkpoints both at the land-border and the airport. I can certainly imagine worse treatment for the Tibetan refugees fleeing from Tibet into Nepal, who neither speak the local Nepalese nor English languages, at the hands of the border security personnel. We hear reports of beatings and harassments including sexual and even rapes in certain cases, treatments that refugees do not deserve from the authorities.

The Office of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Geneva was submitted a report by ICT Europe, on 25 April 2007, which documented:

In February 1997 it was reported that a 22-year old Tibetan woman was raped twelve times by a group of Nepalese men led by a police officer in December 1996 after she escaped across the border to seek an education in India, according to accounts provided by the victim and corroborated by other Tibetans who were with her. Three other Tibetan women, including one nun, are said to have been sexually assaulted by Nepalese police in an incident in western Nepal in November 2006, and in January that year police officers in north-eastern Nepal are alleged to have demanded the sexual services of a girl in another group of Tibetan refugees in return for an offer of safe passage. The 22-year old Tibetan was travelling in a group of seven Tibetans who left the border town of Dram by foot on 12 December 1996. They walked for three days to successfully enter Nepal but were caught by seven Nepalese men wearing police and military-style uniforms and carrying police identity cards. The woman was told that if she did not comply with the men’s wishes she and the group would be deported to Tibet.

I was equally curious to find out from other sources what people make of the situation being faced by Tibetans in Nepal. So, I went to meet the US Refugee Co-ordinator (responsible for India, Nepal and Sri Lanka), based at the American Embassy during my latest trip. The American official fully understands the real situation that Tibetan refugee community faces in Nepal and expresses sincere concern. At the same time, it’s very reassuring to learn that the international agencies from various countries are closely monitoring the situation that is being faced by Tibetan refugee community in Nepal.

Despite the ongoing Chinese pressure (both overt and covert), I was encouraged to learn that the Nepalese Officials are trying their best to resist their neighbour’s pressure but with the ongoing unstable political climate in Nepal, the Tibetan refugee community continue to face a very uncertain future.

A growing number of Nepalese human rights activists and organisations in Nepal are also playing very positive roles to uphold the rights of the people in the country. The Sambhad Nepal organised a public forum on 3rd August 2008 (19th Shrawan, 2065) in Pokhara – “49 Years of Tibetan Refugees in Nepal.” While speaking at the forum, Mr Achut Acharya of the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of Nepal, Regional Office in Pokhara, said, “We have not been able to treat the refugees (Tibetan and Bhutanese) equally. We don’t pay much attention to the Bhutanese refugees because Bhutan doesn’t have much influence on Nepalese politics. Tibetan refugees should be able to access the justice system of Nepal, if needed.”

Tibetan refugees do not receive any financial support from the Nepalese Government. Obtaining funds from abroad in the name of Tibetan organisations in Nepal is almost impossible. If one doesn’t possess Nepali citizenship or a Refugee Certificate (RC), Tibetans are not allowed to work in Nepal legally. Unemployment, and resorting to drugs and alcohol, are a growing concern to the refugee community there. A Tibetan businessman told me, “We can’t employ Tibetan refugees who have no proper documents under the government’s regulation as we can get into trouble.” Concerned Tibetans have suggested that the Tibetan Government in Exile takes the younger generation to India to admit them in the Indian Army. Then there is the Indian RC issue (another problem). They have also requested that younger Tibetans be sent abroad under the UN Refugees Programme.

China’s Strategy and Nepal’s Cooperation

China’s strategy towards the Tibetan refugee community is quite obvious. The Chinese authorities do not want the Tibetans to develop up, not just politically but economically. They like to see the Tibetans in exile being paralysed completely so that they don’t challenge the Chinese Leadership.

Some thirty to forty years ago, the Tibetan business community in Kathmandu had established highly successful carpet trading. The income from the export of high quality of Tibetan carpets brought in the much needed foreign exchange (dollars) to Nepal. This revenue was the major foreign earning for Nepal at one time. The carpet industry employed thousands of Nepalese and Tibetan workers. In the past decade a number of these carpet factories were closed down, primarily because of the growing unpredictable political climate in Nepal, and the less favourable attitude towards the Tibetan refugee community.

The successive Nepalese governments overtly befriended with the Chinese Leadership in Beijing, which provided the much needed aid and money for Nepal. In return, the authorities agreed to ban Tibet protests, what they call “anti-Chinese activities,” on Nepalese soil.

The Nepalese authorities are also reluctant to issue exit permits for Tibetans to go abroad. The US Government’s offer to accept Tibetan refugees from Nepal received no cooperation from the Nepalese authorities. However, the Nepalese Officials are allowing the Bhutanese refugees (of Nepalese origin) to leave for America, as part of the US Government’s same offer to accept refugees from Nepal. So, there is no reason to doubt that the successive governments in Kathmandu are under considerable pressure from Beijing.

Referring to the treatment of refugees by the Nepalese authorities and the US Government’s offer to accept refugees from Nepal, Mr Sudip Pathak, President of Human Rights Organisation of Nepal (HURON), said, “Refugees in Nepal are not treated equally. The Tibetan refugees are arrested and handed back (to the Chinese authorities) but not the Bhutanese. The Government helped the Bhutanese refugees (of Nepalese origin) to travel to the United States of America but in the case of Tibetans, they haven’t done so.” Mr Pathak told the gathering, organised by The Sambhad Nepal on 3rd August 2008 (19th Shrawan, 2065) in Pokhara, who presented his paper along with other speakers, published in ‘Regarding Refugee’, a Nepalese language publication.

The Chinese authorities fear that if the Tibetan refugee community becomes economically self-reliant then they are more likely to sustain their political freedom movement. In a nutshell, the Chinese authorities want to make the lives of Tibetans very difficult. They have started this in Nepal, including planting Tibetan (Chinese) agents in the Tibetan refugee community.

In Mustang, the Chinese authorities including the border security personnel regularly visit Lo-Manthang and the surrounding villages via Kora La, a pass which borders with Nepal and Tibet at that point. During their visits, the Chinese authorities query the Tibetan’s presence in the region. Last year, a Tibetan was reportedly arrested in Lo-Manthang for no single good reason. Tibetans continue to experience such harassments from the local Nepalese authorities. The Tibetan refugee teachers were often asked about their stay in the region and queried on the contents of Tibetan textbooks from which they teach the children.

Dalai Lama’s Birthday Celebration Cancelled

The recent 74th Birthday Celebration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, planned for 6th July in Kathmandu was given the go ahead by the Chief District Officer (CDO), as long as the Tibetans observed it quietly near the Tibetan Reception Centre, and that they didn’t sing their national anthem.

In the beginning of July, the Nepalese media reported negatively on the visit (June 2009) of a Nepalese Parliamentarian delegation to Dharamsala, where they met His Holiness the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan officials. After a high level internal meeting among the Nepalese Government Officials, the Tibetan Chief Co-ordinator for Nepal, who is based at Tibetan Refugee Welfare Office, Kathmandu, was summoned on 5th July and told that they were no longer allowed to celebrate the planned birthday event.

This is the sad reality of today’s political situation in Nepal being faced by the Tibetan refugee community there. They are living on thin ice, on the brink of melting.

A Way Forward: Providing Assistance to Tibetan Refugee Community in Nepal

  1. International Agencies & Governments:Increase the concerted efforts that the international agencies continue to put in, especially by various national governments, in order to monitor very closely the treatment of Tibetan refugees in Nepal by the Nepalese authorities.
  2. Nepalese, Ethnic Tibetans and the Himalayan Buddhist Community of Nepal should play proactive roles: In their hour of need, the ethnic Tibetans, the Himalayan Buddhist Community and the Nepalese people, in solidarity with the Tibetan refugee community, should enhance their support and play proactive roles by lobbying their Nepalese Government for assurance that the Tibetan refugees’ rights will be protected and that they won’t be returned back to Tibet, in accordance with the national and the international laws. They should reject any Chinese pressure that may be imposed on Nepal in relation to the Tibetan refugee community.
  3. Tibetan refugees in Nepal should be allowed to work:The Tibetan Buddhist culture, which the ethnic Tibetans and the Himalayan Buddhist Community of Nepal share with the Tibetan people, must be preserved and developed, with the ongoing assistance from the Tibetan refugees and without any political interference from China. The Chinese authorities might put pressure on the Nepalese Officials to ban Tibetan refugees working in the rural border areas, including Mustang. The international agencies and local Nepalese NGOs must monitor such moves very closely and ensure that the Tibetan refugees are allowed to work in Nepal.
  4. Foreign Donors & NGOs: Need to invest more in human resources by, for example, training Tibetan refugees in the Nepalese law and through other Continuous Professional Development (CPD) programmes, such as the Mustang Teaching and Learning Programme.
  5. Establish a High Level Special Committee for Tibetans in Nepal: The Tibetan authorities in Dharamsala should urgently make resources available including forming a dedicated High Level Special Committee for Tibetans in Nepal, comprising knowledgeable local Tibetans, to effectively protect the interests of Tibetan refugees living in the unstable country.

The China-Tibet Conflict: Need for Historic Decisions

A personal opinion on the Sino-Tibetan relations

By Tsering Passang (First published by Phayul.com, 9th October 2008)

Both Beijing and Dharamsala frequently reiterate their ‘sincerity’ in the search for a resolution of the China-Tibet conflict. As an ordinary Tibetan I welcome any positive moves from either side.

Since the Chinese and Tibetan officials in Beijing, Lhasa and Dharamsala all claim to work in the interests of all ordinary Tibetans, both those residing inside Tibet and in exile, it should be possible for leaders of both parties to show real courage and make bold political decisions to resolve the Tibet problem once and for all.

Following the Dalai Lama’s recent official delegation, led by Kasur Lodi Gyari, to meet with Du Qinglin, Head of the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee, the Special Envoy for the Tibetan Leader described the latest round of dialogue as “one of the most difficult sessions.” In his press statement he went on and said, “In the course of our discussions we were compelled to candidly convey to our counterparts that in the absence of serious and sincere commitment on their part, the continuation of the present dialogue would serve no purpose.”

Recent international pressure on the authorities in Beijing had given some hope to Tibetans around the world that the latest round of dialogue might have a more positive outcome. The press statement by the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy was an unusually forthright admission of the delegation’s failure and reflected the growing frustration in Dharamsala at the lack of sincerity in Beijing. Chinese officials have in the past been quick to accuse the Tibetan side of a lack of “sincerity” but the entire world can now see that the truth is the opposite: it is China which lacks sincerity and shows no desire for settlement. It should also be noted that over the years the Tibetan side has made many compromises and concessions from its original demand for independence but this is not enough. China wants complete capitulation.
As a concerned Tibetan I would like to present my thoughts to both parties for some possible “tangible” results. The leadership in Dharamsala now has to consider seriously the strong message from the Chinese side and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile (TGiE) must be bold in its decision-making.

Proposed agenda for meaningful results

If we are ever to have tangible results from meetings to resolve the China-Tibet conflict then the next agenda should – in my view – include the following points:

  1. Dharamsala should note China’s real concern that the Tibetan issue remain as an “internal affair” of the PRC and should not internationalise it. This could mean His Holiness the Dalai Lama stops travelling overseas whilst serving as the political leader of the Tibetan people as such trips attract international media attention. Beijing sees this as overtly political even though Dharamsala may view this differently.
  2. The Tibet Support Groups (TSG) Desk based at the TGiE’s Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR) which maintains close links with Tibet Support Groups around the world should be closed down. His Holiness and the TGiE should detach themselves from political links with all International Tibet Support Groups and from World Parliamentarians Groups for Tibet whilst Dharamsala engages in direct dialogue with the Central Leadership in Beijing.
  3. The political interest and quasi-diplomatic roles, which are currently being carried out by the various Offices of Tibet around the world, should have its “mission review” thoroughly whilst Dharamsala engages in direct dialogue with Beijing. Such Offices are currently in Australia, Belgium, India, Japan, Russia, South Africa, Switzerland, U.K. and U.S.A.

Whilst the above steps are being taken, the Central Leadership in Beijing, in agreement with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the TGiE, should work to establish:

  1. An Intermediary Agency in Beijing, representing His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the TGiE.
  2. An Intermediary Agency in Dharamsala, representing the Central Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).
  3. Joint-Intermediary Agencies in Lhasa, representing both the PRC, His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the TGiE.
  4. Through the Intermediary Agencies, both sides should make joint contributions towards aid, education, social and economic development both inside Tibet and amongst Tibetans living in the Diaspora.
  5. Formal exchange schemes between Dharamsala and Beijing should be developed, including conferences on research and scholastic work amongst the Tibetan Buddhist and Bon religious masters, scholars of history and medical practitioners. Both sides should give serious thought towards facilitating the learning and sharing of the valuable and masterly works of the rich cultural history of Tibet.
  6. Formal and informal relationships between ordinary Tibetans from inside and outside Tibet need to be fostered and should include cultural exchanges such as exhibitions, the visits of traditional and modern performing artists, and traditional and modern artists, including thangka painters.

Through the above steps some “tangible” and practical progress may be achieved in areas in which both Chinese and Tibetans have concerns. Political solutions may take longer. Such steps would also lead to the building of confidence and trust whilst fully engaging in creating a genuine and conducive environment for progress which Dharamsala has been calling for some time. Proper negotiations need to be based on “Ume Lam” (Middle-Way approach), which means not splitting Tibet (all the three traditional provinces i.e. Amdo, Kham and U-Tsang must be under one political entity) from the Great Motherland, the People’s Republic of China.

Whilst the political negotiations continue, leaders on both sides should give sincere thoughts to establishing the Intermediary Agencies to serve all Tibetans. If the above or similar suggestions are not agreeable to both sides then I seriously wonder whether there is any point in Dharamsala or Beijing “talking the talks” on the China-Tibet conflict.

Convincing the Chinese authorities while not alienating Tibetans and Tibet supporters

Merely voicing occasional appeals and sending out circulars urging Tibetans and Tibet support groups not to engage in public protests during the visit overseas of Chinese dignitaries, or slamming the recent activities of the Tibetan Youth Congress has failed to convince officials in Beijing. Moreover it sends mixed messages to Tibetans and their supporters throughout the world which can alienate those who are most actively committed to and participating in the freedom struggle for Tibet. Instead, show concrete actions and not just written circulars or appeals.

Time for a New Direction and Making Hard Decisions

In the event of a stalemate and failure to progress then I think Dharamsala has to remodel its existing political structures and perhaps adopt a new direction, whereby people can freely share their strongly-held views. This means that they should not be required to accept uncritically every statement by His Holiness. Such passivity adversely hinders the democratisation of Tibetan society by rendering it politically immature. People who genuinely hold alternative views from those of the Dalai Lama should not be slammed or denounced as unpatriotic. Tibetans need to grow up politically. We need to revise the “Charter” and separate Chos-Sid, religion and politics.

Tibetans cannot forever live sustained by ‘hope’ alone. As we approach fifty years in exile we have to make the most difficult decision, not only for the present generation of Tibetans but for future generations. Even so, we may not find a lasting political solution to the issue of Tibet for another fifty years.

During a Tibetan gathering in London in 2005, when a delegation of Tibetan Parliamentarians from Dharamsala was visiting the UK, I called for a policy review on ‘Ume Lam’ (Middle-Way approach), as adopted by the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile towards a resolution of the China-Tibet conflict. Once again, I wish to reiterate my previous call as there is no sign of progress between Dharamsala and Beijing.

Complete retirement for the Dalai Lama

Whilst presently enjoying “semi-retirement”, His Holiness recently declared that he is much looking forward to “complete retirement” from the Tibetan political scene. We should seriously note this, while celebrating his massive achievements in many walks of life. The achievement that eludes him is a political solution to the China-Tibet conflict. His Holiness has led the Tibetan nation since the age of 16 and the failure in this area cannot be put down to any lack of effort or goodwill. But His Holiness deserves a rest and it is time for other leaders to emerge and put forward alternative proposals.

Tibetan people’s interest comes first

In short, I urge the Tibetan and Chinese leaders in Lhasa, Beijing and Dharamsala to put the interests of Tibet’s people first in keeping with their claims to ‘serve’ our interests and welfare. If you have courage, show it now. Let there be no more lingering.