Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM)

Tsering Passang | Tibet Post International

On 1 February 2026, I cast my vote in London to elect the Sikyong and Chithues of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), our government-in-exile based in India. It was a simple act on the surface – marking a ballot, folding the paper, placing it in a box – yet one filled with history, sacrifice, and responsibility.

For a stateless people scattered across some 27 countries, the ability to vote every five years is nothing short of extraordinary. It is proof that exile has not erased our political agency. It is evidence that democracy, once planted in difficult soil, can still take root and grow.

A System Built on Vision

Out of 91,042 registered voters worldwide, 51,140 Tibetans cast their ballots in the 2026 preliminary elections – a turnout of 56.17 percent. In a globally dispersed community facing legal, financial, and logistical barriers, this participation reflects commitment and continuity.

This democratic system did not emerge by accident. It was a visionary act by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who, soon after arriving in exile in 1959, began laying the foundations for democratic governance among Tibetans. Long before stepping back from political authority in 2011, he insisted that Tibetans must learn to govern themselves through institutions rather than depend on a single individual.

As His Holiness turns 91 this July, Tibetan democracy in exile stands as a living testament to his foresight, humility, and unwavering faith in his people. It remains one of the most remarkable achievements of a displaced nation – and one of our strongest sources of moral authority on the global stage.

The 2026 Mandate

At a press conference in Dharamsala on 13 February 2026, the Election Commission formally announced the results of the preliminary elections of Sikyong and Chithue.

Incumbent Sikyong Penpa Tsering secured 31,325 votes – 61.025 percent of the total – crossing the 60 percent constitutional threshold under Article 67(4) of the Election Rules and Regulations. As a result, no final round was required, and the Election Commission declared him elected to lead the 17th Kashag.

His principal challenger, Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang (Kaydor), former Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to North America and former aide to Sikyong Dr Lobsang Sangay (2011–2021), secured 17,843 votes. Tsering Phuntsok, a school teacher from south India, received 159 votes. In total, 103 candidates contested the preliminary presidential race – itself a sign of political vibrancy and democratic openness.

Congratulations are due to Sikyong Penpa Tsering on his decisive mandate. Congratulations also to Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang and all other candidates who stepped forward in the spirit of public service. Most importantly, congratulations to the 51,140 Tibetans who participated – for democracy survives not because leaders win, but because citizens engage.

Compared to the 2021 final election, however, there is a notable shift. In 2021, Penpa Tsering secured 34,324 votes, while Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang received 28,907 votes. In 2026, both leading candidates received fewer votes.

This does not undermine the legitimacy of the mandate. But it does invite reflection.

Democracy is not measured only by who wins. It is measured by participation, enthusiasm, and trust. A strong majority provides stability; sustained civic engagement provides moral authority.

Democracy as Responsibility

In my earlier piece, Democracy in Exile: Voting for Tibet’s Future, I wrote that participation is not merely a right – it is a responsibility. That conviction feels even more urgent now.

Tibetans inside Tibet are denied even the most basic civic freedoms. They cannot vote in free elections, assemble openly, or express political opinions without fear of severe repercussions. Their voices are systematically silenced. That reality places a profound moral obligation on those of us in exile: we must speak responsibly, strategically, and with unity on their behalf.

Even in exile, the right to vote is not equally accessible to all. Tibetans in Nepal, in particular, have long faced restrictions. There have been repeated reports since 2011 of disruptions and pressure from Chinese authorities influencing Nepal’s administration. Some Tibetans have reportedly been compelled to cast their votes discreetly, even in hiding. The simple act of voting – routine elsewhere – becomes, for them, an act of quiet courage.

Those of us who vote freely must never take that privilege for granted.

Reforming and Strengthening Our Democracy

If we are to honour this system, we must also improve it.

Postal voting facilities remain unavailable, limiting participation for Tibetans who live far from polling stations due to work, health, or financial constraints. This is an issue the Election Commission must seriously address if we are to make our democracy more inclusive and representative.

Likewise, the voting age should be lowered from 18 to 16. If young Tibetans are old enough to understand their identity, history, and struggle, they are old enough to have a voice in shaping their future. Under the current cycle, a Tibetan who misses voting at 18 may not have another opportunity until 22 or 23 – formative years in which political engagement should be cultivated, not postponed.

If we want our youth to take ownership of the freedom struggle, we must trust them with responsibility.

Leadership Beyond Victory

The final round of the parliamentary elections will take place on 26 April 2026, continuing this vital democratic journey. Yet elections alone do not guarantee unity or progress; they are only the foundation upon which responsible leadership and collective purpose must be built.

The Tibetan struggle is far too serious – and the stakes far too high – for ego-driven politics or factionalism. What we need now is leadership rooted in service rather than self-interest – leadership capable of rising above personal ambition and placing the national interest first.

History offers lessons. In 1965, Singapore emerged abruptly from its merger with Malaysia – small, vulnerable, and uncertain of its future. Through disciplined governance, unity of purpose, and long-term planning, it transformed itself within decades. Tibet’s situation is vastly different, but the principle remains relevant: clarity of purpose and collective responsibility are indispensable to survival and success.

The renewed mandate of 2026 must translate into:

• Healing internal divisions.
• Strengthening unity across provinces and religious traditions.
• Engaging younger generations.
• Sharpening our international advocacy.
• Safeguarding the social, cultural, and economic wellbeing of Tibetans in exile.

This is not a moment for triumphalism. It is a moment for accountability, maturity, and renewal.

Hope as Political Discipline

When I placed my ballot in the box in London, I did so with hope – not naïve optimism, but disciplined hope grounded in responsibility.

Hope that our leaders will lead wisely.
Hope that our community will remain engaged.
Hope that we will reform where reform is needed.
And hope that one day Tibetans everywhere – inside Tibet and in exile – will vote freely in our own homeland.

Democracy alone will not free Tibet. But without democracy, we risk losing our moral authority, our unity, and our sense of direction as a people.

The mandate has been delivered. The responsibility is immense.

Our democracy must not merely endure as a symbol of exile. It must evolve as the living foundation of a future Tibet – just, accountable, united, and free.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder–chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Revisiting Tibet’s Status Before Communist China’s 1950 Invasion

Tsering Passang | 12 February 2026

Long before the People’s Republic of China (PRC) asserted control over Tibet, the Tibetan people exercised self-rule and formally affirmed their independence. On 13 February 1913, following the collapse of the Manchu (Qing) Empire and the expulsion of remaining Chinese forces from Tibet, the Great 13th Dalai Lama issued a historic proclamation. This largely overlooked declaration directly challenges the narrative that Tibet has “always been part of China” and provides essential context for understanding the events leading to the 1950 invasion.

Like many nations, Tibet has experienced periods of strength and vulnerability across more than two millennia of recorded history. From the 7th to the 9th centuries, during its imperial era, Tibet expanded significantly, at times controlling territories in what are now parts of China and Central Asia. By contrast, internal divisions and political weakness led to territorial losses and foreign incursions, including the British invasion in the early twentieth century, which forced Tibetan leaders into exile in Mongolia or India.

Tibet is a landlocked highland country roughly the size of Western Europe, with much of its territory lying between 3,000 and 5,000 metres above sea level, and a population of around six million. It is bordered by China and Mongolia to the north, Xinjiang (East Turkestan) to the west, and India, Bhutan, and Nepal to the south, with Burma (Myanmar) to the south-east. During British colonial rule in India, Colonel Francis Younghusband led an expedition to Tibet in 1903–04 to secure trade routes and counter perceived Russian influence in the region.

The expedition comprised around 1,000 combat troops – including British officers, Gurkhas, Punjabis, Pathans, Sikhs, and engineers – supported by some 2,000 auxiliary personnel, 7,000 porters, nearly 3,000 yaks, and 7,000 mules. Younghusband reportedly brought with him 67 shirts and 18 pairs of boots.

Tibetan resistance was met with superior British firepower, resulting in heavy Tibetan casualties. Estimates for the entire expedition range from 2,000 to 3,000 Tibetans killed or fatally wounded, while British losses remained minimal – no fatalities and only 12 wounded in the earliest major clashes. By the time British forces reached Lhasa, Tibet’s capital, the 13th Dalai Lama had already fled to Mongolia.

The resulting 1904 Convention between Tibet and Great Britain – archived in London’s Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) – granted trade rights, defined borders, and barred foreign intervention in Tibetan affairs without British consent. Notably, China was not a signatory to this agreement. British forces withdrew following its signing, while the British Trade Mission, later headed by Hugh Richardson, remained in Lhasa until 1947. Richardson briefly served as independent India’s representative until his departure in 1950.

In 1910, Qing forces invaded Tibet, forcing the Dalai Lama into exile in India. The 1911 Chinese Revolution soon brought an end to the Qing Dynasty, enabling Tibetans to expel the remaining Manchu troops. The Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in January 1913.

On 13 February 1913, the 13th Dalai Lama issued the Proclamation of Tibetan Independence, declaring:

Tibet is a country with rich natural resources; but it is not scientifically advanced like other lands. We are a small, religious, and independent nation. To keep up with the rest of the world, we must defend our country. In view of past invasions by foreigners, our people may have to face certain difficulties, which they must disregard. To safeguard and maintain the independence of our country, one and all should voluntarily work hard. Our subject citizens residing near the borders should be alert and keep the government informed by special messenger of any suspicious developments. Our subjects must not create major clashes between two nations because of minor incidents.”

For nearly four decades thereafter, Tibet governed itself internally and conducted foreign relations as a de facto independent state. Tibet’s official Trade Delegation, led by Finance Minister Wangchuk Shakapa and traveling with Tibetan passports, visited the United States, Britain, Japan, India, and other countries. This period ended with the People’s Republic of China’s military invasion in 1949–50, described by Beijing as a “peaceful liberation” but regarded by Tibetans as an illegal occupation that systematically targeted their religion, culture, and national identity. China’s invasion and subsequent occupation of the Buddhist nation are widely believed by Tibetans to have caused the deaths of 1.2 million people.

Historical evidence of Tibet’s independence includes the stone pillar (doring) outside the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa, inscribed with the 821–822 Tibet–China treaty, which states: “Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet, and Chinese shall be happy in the land of China.” This treaty underscores that Tibet and China were recognised as distinct political entities centuries before the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 or the People’s Republic of China in 1949.

PROCLAMATION ISSUED BY H.H. THE DALAI LAMA XIII, ON THE EIGHTH DAY OF THE FIRST MONTH OF THE WATER-OX YEAR (1913)

Translation of the Tibetan Text:

“I, the Dalai Lama, most omniscient possessor of the Buddhist faith, whose title was conferred by the Lord Buddha’s command from the glorious land of India, speak to you as follows:

I am speaking to all classes of Tibetan people. Lord Buddha, from the glorious country of India, prophesied that the reincarnations of Avalokitesvara, through successive rulers from the early religious kings to the present day, would look after the welfare of Tibet.

During the time of Genghis Khan and Altan Khan of the Mongols, the Ming dynasty of the Chinese, and the Ch’ing Dynasty of the Manchus, Tibet and China cooperated on the basis of benefactor and priest relationship. A few years ago, the Chinese authorities in Szechuan and Yunnan endeavored to colonize our territory. They brought large numbers of troops into central Tibet on the pretext of policing the trade marts. I, therefore, left Lhasa with my ministers for the Indo-Tibetan border, hoping to clarify to the Manchu emperor by wire that the existing relationship between Tibet and China had been that of patron and priest and had not been based on the subordination of one to the other. There was no other choice for me but to cross the border, because Chinese troops were following with the intention of taking me alive or dead.

On my arrival in India, I dispatched several telegrams to the Emperor; but his reply to my demands was delayed by corrupt officials at Peking. Meanwhile, the Manchu empire collapsed. The Tibetans were encouraged to expel the Chinese from central Tibet. I, too, returned safely to my rightful and sacred country, and I am now in the course of driving out the remnants of Chinese troops from DoKham in Eastern Tibet. Now, the Chinese intention of colonizing Tibet under the patron-priest relationship has faded like a rainbow in the sky. Having once again achieved for ourselves a period of happiness and peace, I have now allotted to all of you the following duties to be carried out without negligence:

1. Peace and happiness in this world can only be maintained by preserving the faith of Buddhism. It is, therefore, essential to preserve all Buddhist institutions in Tibet, such as the Jokhang temple and Ramoche in Lhasa, Samye, and Traduk in southern Tibet, and the three great monasteries, etc.
2. The various Buddhist sects in Tibet should be kept in a distinct and pure form. Buddhism should be taught, learned, and meditated upon properly. Except for special persons, the administrators of monasteries are forbidden to trade, loan money, deal in any kind of livestock, and/or subjugate another’s subjects.
3. The Tibetan government’s civil and military officials, when collecting taxes or dealing with their subject citizens, should carry out their duties with fair and honest judgment so as to benefit the government without hurting the interests of the subject citizens. Some of the central government officials posted at Ngari Korsum in western Tibet, and Do Kham in eastern Tibet, are coercing their subject citizens to purchase commercial goods at high prices and have imposed transportation rights exceeding the limit permitted by the government. Houses, properties and lands belonging to subject citizens have been confiscated on the pretext of minor breaches of the law. Furthermore, the amputation of citizens’ limbs has been carried out as a form of punishment. Henceforth, such severe punishments are forbidden.
4. Tibet is a country with rich natural resources; but it is not scientifically advanced like other lands. We are a small, religious, and independent nation. To keep up with the rest of the world, we must defend our country. In view of past invasions by foreigners, our people may have to face certain difficulties, which they must disregard. To safeguard and maintain the independence of our country, one and all should voluntarily work hard. Our subject citizens residing near the borders should be alert and keep the government informed by special messenger of any suspicious developments. Our subjects must not create major clashes between two nations because of minor incidents.
5. Tibet, although thinly populated, is an extensive country. Some local officials and landholders are jealously obstructing other people from developing vacant lands, even though they are not doing so themselves. People with such intentions are enemies of the State and our progress. From now on, no one is allowed to obstruct anyone else from cultivating whatever vacant lands are available. Land taxes will not be collected until three years have passed; after that the land cultivator will have to pay taxes to the government and to the landlord every year, proportionate to the rent. The land will belong to the cultivator.

Your duties to the government and to the people will have been achieved when you have executed all that I have said here. This letter must be posted and proclaimed in every district of Tibet, and a copy kept in the records of the offices in every district.

The Way Ahead

Today, many Tibetans – both inside Tibet and across the diaspora, particularly among younger generations – advocate the restoration of full independence as the only enduring solution to the Sino-Tibetan conflict. Each year on 13 February, Tibetans around the world organise commemorations and peaceful protests to mark the 1913 Proclamation and reaffirm Tibet’s status as an independent country prior to the 1950 invasion.

On 29 January 2026, Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the Central Tibetan Administration, attended the Washington, D.C. launch of Professor Hon-Shiang Lau’s book Tibet Was Never Part of China Since Antiquity (Optimum Publishing International). Drawing exclusively on authoritative Chinese historical records, the book rigorously demonstrates that Tibet was never incorporated into China in antiquity, strengthening both Tibetan and Western scholarship. The event, hosted by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), featured Professor Lau, Ambassador Sam Brownback, Bhuchung K. Tsering of the International Campaign for Tibet, Damian Wilson, NED’s President and CEO, Dean Baxendale, CEO of Optimum Publishing International, and moderator Josh Rogin of The Washington Post.

Meanwhile, the India-based Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), commonly known as Tibet’s government-in-exile, continues to pursue the Middle Way Approach (MWA), championed by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and unanimously adopted by the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. The MWA seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within the framework of the PRC, enabling Tibetans to preserve their culture, language, religion, and environment.

Beijing’s continued rejection of this approach has led Tibetans to persist in their advocacy through global awareness, historical truth, and non-violent efforts towards a just and peaceful resolution.

11 February 2026 | Tsering Passang

In an era defined by information abundance – and distortion – clarity is both a moral necessity and a civic responsibility. Recent attempts to associate His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with Jeffrey Epstein represent not journalism, not inquiry, but the calculated manufacture of doubt.

On 8 February 2026, the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued a clear and unequivocal statement:

“Some recent media reports and social media posts concerning the ‘Epstein Files’ are attempting to link His Holiness the Dalai Lama with Jeffrey Epstein.
We can unequivocally confirm that His Holiness has never met Jeffrey Epstein or authorised any meeting or interaction with him by anyone on His Holiness’s behalf.”

This statement is not rhetorical. It is a categorical fact.

The Facts: A Forensic Review of the Epstein Files

In late January, the United States Department of Justice released approximately 3.5 million responsive pages pursuant to the Epstein Files Transparency Act. Shortly thereafter, certain Chinese state-affiliated media outlets – including China Tibet Online, ThePaper.cn, CGTN and others – initiated a coordinated narrative attempting to weaponise the release against His Holiness.

In response, the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), through its Crisis Management Committee and in consultation with the Kashag (Cabinet), conducted an exhaustive review of the released documents.

The Tibetan Computer Resources Centre (TCRC) undertook a rigorous technical and contextual analysis using replicable methodological standards, including:

• Document acquisition and authentication
• Text extraction and normalisation
• Keyword pattern matching
• Contextual window analysis
• Deduplication and clustering
• Categorisation of references

Initial raw searches showed:

• “Dalai Lama” appearing 154 times
• “Dali Lama” appearing 59 times

However, after filtering for duplicate documents and repeated email chains, unique instances were reduced dramatically:

• “Dalai Lama” and “Dalai” – 59 unique references
• “Dali Lama” – 9 unique references

Crucially, all references were third-party mentions – informal, speculative, or contextual in nature. None established:

• A meeting
• A relationship
• Correspondence
• Direct participation
• Or acknowledgement by His Holiness or anyone acting on his behalf

The Committee determined unequivocally that there exists no evidence of interaction between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Jeffrey Epstein.

The 2015 Email That Refutes the 2012 Claim

Some reports – most notably an article published on 2 February 2026 by The Financial Express titled “The Dalai Lama met with Jeffrey Epstein in 2012, was named 169 times in new emails” – advanced a narrative unsupported by the record.

In response, CTA Political Secretary Tashi Gyatso formally wrote to the newspaper’s editor clarifying:

• The “mentions” do not confirm any meeting.
• They do not reflect any donation solicited or received.
• Email correspondence from 2015–2017 shows Epstein and his associates attempting to arrange a meeting with His Holiness.
• An email dated 10 May 2015 demonstrates Epstein’s ongoing efforts to secure an audience as late as 2015.

This timeline alone refutes the claim that a meeting occurred in 2012. If such a meeting had taken place, there would have been no need for “desperate attempts” three years later to secure one.

The documentary record therefore undermines the allegation it has been used to propagate.

Transparency as Institutional Practice

Unlike many public figures, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has maintained a comprehensive and publicly accessible record of his meetings and engagements dating back to 1959. No meeting with Jeffrey Epstein appears in that archive – because none occurred.

Moreover, no reputable international news organisation, particularly within the United States where the documents originated, has substantiated the claim of any meeting.

The narrative has instead been amplified primarily through channels with clear geopolitical motivations.

Disinformation as Political Instrument

The pattern is neither new nor accidental. The moral authority of His Holiness – rooted in nonviolence, compassion, interfaith dialogue, and advocacy for human dignity – has long unsettled those who conflate spiritual leadership with political dissent.

Disinformation functions not by proving falsehoods, but by repeating insinuations until confusion replaces clarity.

In this instance, the strategy is transparent:

1. Extract isolated keyword mentions from a massive document release.
2. Ignore duplication, context, and content.
3. Inflate numerical references.
4. Conflate third-party speculation with documented interaction.
5. Circulate through aligned media ecosystems.

This is not investigative journalism. It is narrative engineering.

In a global media environment increasingly vulnerable to manipulation, such tactics demand intellectual vigilance. The harm of disinformation extends beyond reputational injury; it erodes public trust in evidence, method, and truth itself.

A Call for Media Responsibility

The Central Tibetan Administration rightly calls upon independent media organisations worldwide to exercise rigorous due diligence in research and reporting.

Responsible journalism requires:

• Verification beyond keyword counts
• Contextual reading of source documents
• Distinguishing mention from meeting
• Distinguishing solicitation from participation

Failure to uphold these standards risks transforming legitimate press institutions into inadvertent conduits for geopolitical propaganda.

The Larger Moral Context

His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s life work – over six decades in exile – has been defined by moral consistency: nonviolence, compassion, interdependence, and the pursuit of truth through dialogue.

That such a figure should be targeted by opportunistic narrative construction is regrettable but unsurprising. History shows that voices grounded in ethical clarity often attract distortion from those unsettled by them.

Yet facts remain stubborn.

After comprehensive technical scrutiny, contextual analysis, and documentary review, the conclusion is unequivocal:

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has never met Jeffrey Epstein.
Any claim to the contrary is unfounded and constitutes misinformation.

At a time when information can be weaponised, truth must be defended not with outrage, but with evidence.

For a detailed breakdown of TCRC’s methodological review, readers may consult the full CTA report published on 9th February 2026.

In the long arc of history, integrity outlives insinuation.

GATPM | 3rd February 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities warmly welcomes the Grammy Award for Best Audiobook, Narration and Storytelling bestowed upon His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama for “Meditations: The Reflections of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.” This recognition is a powerful affirmation of the universal values of peace, compassion, non-violence, environmental responsibility, and the oneness of humanity – values that transcend borders, politics, and ideology.

His Holiness’s words upon receiving the award reflect the very essence of his lifelong message:

“I receive this recognition with gratitude and humility. I don’t see it as something personal, but as a recognition of our shared universal responsibility. I truly believe that peace, compassion, care for our environment, and an understanding of the oneness of humanity are essential for the collective well-being of all eight billion human beings. I’m grateful that this Grammy recognition can help spread these messages more widely.”

This Grammy is not merely an artistic honour; it is a global acknowledgment of moral leadership rooted in empathy, dialogue, and responsibility toward all sentient beings.

We strongly condemn the reaction of China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Lin Jian, who sought to politicise and delegitimise this international recognition by repeating long-standing accusations and framing the award as “anti-China political manipulation.” 

Such remarks represent an unwarranted interference in global cultural and moral recognition, and once again reveal the Chinese government’s intolerance toward independent voices of conscience – particularly those advocating peace and human dignity.

To portray His Holiness the Dalai Lama – a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and one of the world’s most respected spiritual leaders – as a threat simply for promoting compassion and non-violence is not only disingenuous, but profoundly revealing. It underscores the broader pattern of repression faced by Tibetans and other persecuted minorities whose identities, beliefs, and histories continue to be systematically undermined.

International awards such as the Grammy are not tools of political manipulation. They are expressions of global appreciation for ideas and contributions that uplift humanity. Attempts by any government to dictate whom the world may honour are an affront to freedom of expression, cultural autonomy, and the shared ethical space of the global community.

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities stands in unwavering solidarity with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and with all communities whose peaceful voices are silenced or distorted by authoritarian narratives. We call upon the international community to resist intimidation, reject politicised censorship, and continue to uphold universal values over coercion.

This Grammy Award is a reminder that compassion cannot be suppressed, truth cannot be erased, and moral clarity cannot be dictated by state power.

Tsering Passang | 1st February 2026

Today, I cast my vote in London to elect the Sikyong and Chithues of Tibet’s government-in-exile — the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) based in India. It was a simple act on the surface, yet one filled with deep meaning, history, and responsibility.

Every five years, Tibetans living in exile across some 27 countries participate in a democratic process to choose our political leadership. This, in itself, is extraordinary. Despite being a stateless people, scattered across continents, Tibetans continue to exercise democratic rights with dignity, discipline, and faith in a collective future. Our elected leaders carry a dual responsibility: to advance the political cause of Tibet on the international stage, and to safeguard the social, cultural, and economic wellbeing of the Tibetan exile community.

At the same time, they must continue to speak out and draw global attention to China’s policies that severely restrict religious freedom, cultural expression, and basic human rights inside occupied Tibet. Tibetans living inside Tibet are denied even the most basic civic freedoms; they cannot vote, assemble freely, or express political opinions without fear of severe repercussions. Their voices are systematically silenced — making it all the more important that Tibetans in exile speak responsibly, strategically, and with unity on their behalf.

Even in exile, the right to vote is not equally accessible to all Tibetans. Tibetans in Nepal, in particular, are forced to cast their votes in fear and often in hiding, especially since 2011. There have been repeated instances where ballot boxes were seized or disrupted by Nepalese authorities under pressure from China. The simple act of voting — celebrated as a democratic right elsewhere — becomes an act of quiet resistance for Tibetans in Nepal. This reality should weigh heavily on all of us who are fortunate enough to vote freely.

This democratic system is one of the greatest gifts bestowed upon the Tibetan people by His Holiness the XIVth Dalai Lama. Long before stepping back from political authority, His Holiness envisioned a future where Tibetans would govern themselves through democratic institutions rather than depend on a single individual. As he turns 91 this July, Tibetan democracy in exile stands as a living testament to his foresight, humility, and unwavering faith in his people.

As I cast my vote, I did so with the belief that my voice — however small — matters. That I have a say in Tibet’s future. Participation is not merely a right; it is a responsibility, especially when our people continue to endure repression inside Tibet and prolonged uncertainty in exile.

That said, our democratic system must continue to evolve. Postal voting facilities are still not available, limiting participation for many Tibetans who live far from polling stations due to work, health, or financial constraints. This is an issue the Central Election Commission must seriously address if we are to make Tibetan democracy more inclusive and representative.

Likewise, the voting age should be lowered from 18 to 16. If young Tibetans are old enough to understand their identity, history, and struggle, they are old enough to have a voice in shaping their future. Under the current system, a Tibetan who misses voting at 18 may not get another chance until they are 22 or even 23 — an entire generation’s formative years lost to disengagement. If we want our youth to take ownership of the freedom struggle, we must trust them with responsibility.

My hope is that those elected will rise above personal ambition and petty infighting. The Tibetan struggle is far too serious, and the stakes far too high, for ego-driven politics or factionalism. What we need is unity, long-term vision, and leadership rooted in service rather than self-interest.

Singapore offers an instructive example. In 1965, after a brief merger with Malaysia following British colonial rule, Singapore was expelled and left to survive on its own — small, vulnerable, and surrounded by uncertainty with no resources. Yet through disciplined governance, unity of purpose, and an uncompromising focus on the common good, Singapore transformed itself into a stable and prosperous nation within just 50 years.

The Tibetan situation is, of course, vastly different. But the lesson remains relevant: progress demands clarity of purpose, collective responsibility, and leaders who place the future of their people above personal differences.

Today’s vote is not the end of the journey — it is one step in a long and unfinished struggle. Democracy alone will not free Tibet. But without democracy, we risk losing our moral authority, our unity, and our sense of direction as a people.

I voted with hope.
Hope that our leaders will lead wisely.
Hope that our community will stay engaged.
And hope that one day, Tibetans everywhere — inside Tibet and in exile — will be able to vote freely in our own homeland.

GATPM, London | 22 January 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) unequivocally condemns today’s decision at the West Kowloon Courts, which once again lays bare the systematic destruction of Hong Kong’s freedoms under the National Security Law.

As posted on a social platform by veteran Hong Kong democrat Emily Lau, pro-democracy leaders Lee Cheuk-yan and Wu Hing-yun have now been imprisoned for 1,590 days, while Albert Ho has been incarcerated for 1,380 days. These are not isolated judicial outcomes; they are emblematic of a deliberate campaign to criminalise peaceful dissent, dismantle civil society, and govern through fear.

Such repression constitutes a clear and continuing breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration — a legally binding international treaty signed between the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China on 19 December 1984, in Beijing. The Declaration set the terms for the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong on 1 July 1997, and guaranteed the territory’s autonomy, rights, and freedoms. These solemn international commitments have been systematically violated.

“What we are witnessing in Hong Kong is not the application of justice, but the punishment of truth,” said Tsering Passang, Chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. “The continued imprisonment of peaceful democrats under the National Security Law is a flagrant breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration and a warning to the world that treaty commitments mean nothing if they are not defended. Silence is not neutrality — it is complicity.”

The injustice unfolding in Hong Kong is not a local issue; it is a global warning. In Davos, Switzerland, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney recently delivered what may come to be recognised as an era-defining speech, urging democracies — particularly “middle powers” — to stop “living within a lie” and to defend human rights, sovereignty, and the rule of law through values-based realism. His message resonates powerfully today, not only for Canada, but for the United Kingdom, Australia, Europe, and all societies that claim to stand for freedom.

The continued imprisonment of Hong Kong’s democratic leaders and human rights advocates demonstrates the cost of international silence and accommodation. Authoritarian systems do not moderate in response to compliance; they are emboldened by it.

GATPM therefore calls on democratic governments, international institutions, and civil society to act with urgency and clarity by:

• Publicly reaffirming the legal force of the Sino-British Joint Declaration
• Demanding the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners in Hong Kong
• Acting collectively, as middle powers and allies, to defend universal human rights and the rule of law

In particular, GATPM calls on UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer to raise these grave violations directly with Chinese leaders in Beijing during his visit to China next week, and to reaffirm that treaty obligations and human dignity are not negotiable.

The powerful may wield coercion — but truth, solidarity, and principled action endure. History will judge not only those who oppress, but those who remain silent. We must choose to stand, clearly and collectively, on the right side of history.

Contact:

Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities

GATPM | London | 20 January 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) expresses its profound disappointment and serious concern at the UK Government’s decision to grant planning consent for the People’s Republic of China’s proposed “mega-embassy” at Royal Mint Court, London. This decision, taken despite sustained opposition and more than fifty public protests, represents a significant setback for local democracy, community safety, and public confidence in transparent decision-making.

For more than five years, residents of Tower Hamlets and surrounding communities have consistently and unequivocally opposed this development. Tower Hamlets Council twice rejected the proposal, citing substantial concerns relating to public safety, policing pressures, protest management, heritage protection, and long-term community impact. Those refusals reflected the clearly expressed democratic will of local residents and were informed by professional assessments from policing and security bodies. The subsequent reversal of these positions, following intense political and diplomatic pressure, has understandably raised serious public concern.

The central government’s decision to override local authority determinations sets a troubling precedent. The application was formally “called in” after sustained diplomatic engagement and a direct intervention by Chinese President Xi Jinping with Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer in 2024. This sequence of events risks conveying the perception that the preferences of a foreign authoritarian state can supersede local democratic processes, community consent, and previously stated security concerns within the United Kingdom.

GATPM is also deeply concerned that the approval appears to give insufficient weight to widely documented national security considerations. The site’s proximity to sensitive communications and data infrastructure, including networks supporting London’s financial district, raises legitimate and unresolved questions. The establishment of the largest diplomatic compound in Europe, operated by an authoritarian state with a well-documented record of overseas surveillance and intimidation, necessitates the highest level of scrutiny. Any future security failure would have real and direct consequences for residents, protesters, and the wider public.

Beyond infrastructure and planning considerations, the human impact of this decision must not be underestimated. Members of persecuted diaspora communities – including Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hongkongers, and Chinese democracy activists – now face heightened anxiety about surveillance, intimidation, and transnational repression. As Tsering Passang, Founder-Chair of GATPM, and Clara Cheung, community activist and former Hong Kong district councillor, have publicly warned, this development risks becoming not merely a diplomatic facility but a strategic extension of authoritarian influence into an open and democratic society. Such an outcome would undermine the UK’s long-standing commitment to providing refuge and protection to those fleeing repression.

Local residents and businesses, meanwhile, face the prospect of ongoing disruption, large-scale demonstrations, intrusive security measures, and sustained policing activity in their neighbourhood – impacts they neither sought nor endorsed. These realities raise urgent questions about civil liberties, quality of life, and proportionality that remain inadequately addressed.

GATPM stands in full solidarity with local residents, community organisations, and human rights defenders who opposed this development in good faith. We strongly support the judicial review brought by the Royal Mint Court Residents Association (RMCRA), which now represents one of the final avenues to uphold democratic accountability, transparency, and the rule of law. We encourage all those concerned about these issues to support RMCRA’s crowdfunding efforts to ensure this legal challenge can proceed.

We also acknowledge and thank the many Members of Parliament, councillors, civil society organisations, community groups, and security experts who raised principled objections to this proposal. Parliamentary scrutiny must not end here. GATPM calls on parliamentarians across all parties to continue exploring legislative, procedural, and political avenues to revisit this decision and to ensure that local democracy and national security are never subordinated to external authoritarian pressure.

GATPM further calls for:

• Independent and transparent scrutiny of the decision-making process, including disclosure of communications between UK officials and the Government of the People’s Republic of China;
• Robust, enforceable safeguards to protect civil liberties, local residents, and diaspora communities from surveillance, intimidation, or harassment;
• A full parliamentary inquiry into the security assessments, planning integrity, and democratic accountability surrounding the approval of major foreign state projects with significant geopolitical implications.

This decision must not mark the end of scrutiny. It must mark the beginning of sustained vigilance. The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities will continue to explore every lawful and democratic avenue to defend human rights, transparency, and democratic integrity in the United Kingdom.

Contact:
Tsering Passang
Founder-Chair, Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities
Mob: +44 (0)7927 376532
Email: info@gatpm.com

Called-in decision: Royal Mint Court, London, EC3N 4QN (refs. 3353754 and 3353755 – 20 January 2026)

(From Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, Part of the Bridge the Gap – Stop the Mega-Embassy Campaign)

Dear Friends,

Bridge the Gap. Stand Together. Stop the Mega-Embassy.

We are writing to urgently call on you to join what is expected to be the largest and most decisive protest yet against China’s proposed so-called “Super-Embassy” at the Royal Mint Court, near the Tower of London.

This rally comes at a critical moment. The UK Government is approaching its final decision – expected on or before 20 January – and Prime Minister Keir Starmer is reportedly planning a visit to China later this month. What happens now will matter.

Why This Protest Matters

China’s proposed Mega-Embassy is not a routine planning issue. It represents a serious threat to democracy, human rights, public safety, and national security in the heart of London.

For Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hongkongers, Chinese dissidents, and other communities persecuted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), this site would be a powerful symbol – and potentially a tool – of intimidation and transnational repression.

Thanks to the tireless efforts of grassroots organisers, legal teams, and community volunteers, the decision has already been delayed from September to December 2025, and again until now. These delays have been crucial. They have enabled the Royal Mint Court Residents Association (RMCRA) and others to develop a strong legal challenge and assemble compelling arguments that will be tested through judicial review.

But we must be clear-eyed: there is unlikely to be another delay.

One Final Push

Throughout 2025, demonstrations have strengthened and broadened opposition to the Mega-Embassy. What began as a local concern has grown into a wide-ranging coalition of human rights advocates, community leaders, residents, faith groups, democracy campaigners, and elected representatives.

At the February 2025 public inquiry, the Embassy’s own legal team suggested that protests would “run their course” and that opposition would fade over time. We cannot allow the 17 January demonstration to validate that narrative.

Cancellation or low turnout would be seized upon as evidence that resistance has weakened. A strong, visible, and united turnout will send the opposite message – clearly and unmistakably.

This Is the Moment

This protest represents the last major public opportunity before the decision to:

• Show MPs and ministers the true scale of opposition
• Command national and international media attention
• Strengthen legal challenges
• Demonstrate unity across communities and causes
• Make clear that the UK must not trade democratic values for political or economic expediency

Leading MPs, prominent human rights advocates, community leaders, and campaigners will be addressing the rally. This is not just another protest – it is a line in the sand.

Our Message to Government Is Simple

China’s Mega-Embassy in London must be stopped.

The UK should not legitimise repression, reward intimidation, or silence affected communities – especially at a time when democratic values and the rule of law are under strain worldwide.

Please come. Bring friends. Share this widely.

Let’s bridge the gap, stand together, and make this final protest count.

In solidarity,

Tsering Passang (First published in Tibet Times on 6th January 2026)

For nearly seven decades since coming into exile in 1959, the Tibetan freedom movement has endured through moral clarity, resilience, and an unshakeable commitment to nonviolence. These values remain our compass. They earned global recognition most notably in 1989, when His Holiness the Dalai Lama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, bringing Tibet briefly back into the conscience of the international community as a symbol of peaceful resistance.

Yet values alone do not move geopolitics. As Tibetans prepare for the 2026 General Elections – to choose a new Sikyong (President of the Central Tibetan Administration, the Tibetan government-in-exile) and forty-five Chithue (Members of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile) – amid unprecedented global flux, and as His Holiness enters his 90th year, we must confront the world as it is, not as we wish it to be. The next five to ten years will be decisive, and our leadership choices must reflect the full gravity of this moment.

This is not an election like others. It takes place amid China’s rapidly expanding global influence, particularly across the Global South; a multilateral system increasingly paralysed by power politics; and a Tibetan movement that, while morally compelling, has struggled to translate sympathy into sustained strategic outcomes. Compounding this is a reality we too often avoid stating plainly: the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) faces serious and growing funding constraints. The era of predictable institutional support is ending. The question before us is therefore not abstract but urgent: what kind of leaders do we need now – and how do we choose them responsibly?

From Moral Authority to Strategic Capacity

The Tibetan struggle has long commanded international admiration. United Nations General Assembly resolutions in 1959, 1961, and 1965 affirmed the rights of the Tibetan people at a moment when the world briefly paid attention. Since then, silence. Despite parliamentary resolutions and supportive legislation in a handful of Western democracies, Tibet has all but disappeared from the formal multilateral agenda. Trade, markets, and short-term national interests have prevailed over principle.

This is not a moral judgement; it is a geopolitical reality. Our leaders must therefore be more than eloquent advocates of a just cause. They must be strategic operators – people who understand how states behave, how influence is built, how resources are mobilised, and how alliances are sustained over time. Moral authority may open doors; strategic capacity determines whether anything follows.

The next generation of leadership must be able to prioritise ruthlessly in an era of scarcity. This means diversifying funding, strengthening institutional sustainability, and ensuring that the exile freedom movement remains viable long into the future. Thinking big is essential – but it must be matched by decisiveness and speed. Delay, indecision, factionalism, and internal bickering are luxuries we can no longer afford.

Leadership in an Age of Scarcity

The funding challenges facing the CTA are not merely technical; they are deeply political and strategic. Future leaders must be capable of making difficult choices, investing in impact rather than symbolism, and mobilising support beyond traditional donor bases. This requires professional fundraising, serious engagement with philanthropic institutions, and far more effective use of the Tibetan diaspora’s expertise.

Today’s Tibetan diaspora is vastly more educated, multilingual, and professionally diverse than it was in the early 1960s, when Tibet last appeared meaningfully on the UN agenda. Lawyers, academics, development practitioners, diplomats, economists, and policy specialists now exist across our global community. Our leaders must harness this collective capacity rather than operate within narrow circles or outdated institutional habits. If the UN General Assembly no longer looks at Tibet, that should compel innovation – not resignation.

Reaching the Unreached: A Test of Seriousness

For too long, Tibetan international advocacy has been concentrated in North America, Europe, and parts of the Asia-Pacific. While these relationships remain important, they are no longer sufficient. China’s strongest diplomatic backing today comes from Africa’s 54 nations, more than 20 countries in Latin America, and over 50 across Asia – regions that together constitute the political weight of the Global South.

This raises an uncomfortable but necessary question: how seriously have our leaders engaged these regions? Over the past five years, how many of the four Chithue representing Europe, Africa, and the Americas – two from Europe/Africa and two from North/South America combined – have travelled to or undertaken sustained engagement with African or South American countries? How often have the Sikyong or the Kalon for the Department of Information and International Relations (DIIR) pursued consistent diplomatic outreach in these continents?

By any honest assessment, the answer exposes a troubling gap. This is not an attack on individuals, but an indictment of a pattern. If we claim that the Global South matters – and it does – our actions must reflect that priority. Occasional statements or symbolic meetings are no substitute for presence, relationships, and long-term political work. China has invested heavily and consistently in these regions for decades. Our absence or inaction in these continents represents a strategic failure, not a moral one – and it is a failure that future leaders must confront and correct.

Law, Justice, and Untapped Pathways

As political avenues narrow, legal strategies deserve renewed attention. The 1959 findings of the International Commission of Jurists, which recognised grave violations of international law in Tibet, remain an underutilised foundation.

There is scope to reinvigorate legal pathways through international forums, universal jurisdiction mechanisms, and professional bodies such as the American Bar Association – the world’s largest association of legal professionals. The ABA’s adoption of its first-ever resolutions on Tibet in August 2024, supported through quiet and effective engagement by the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM), demonstrates that targeted, professional advocacy can still yield results when pursued strategically.

Such work requires patience, expertise, and resources. Abandoning legal avenues altogether would be a serious strategic error.

Democratic Leadership Requires Democratic Scrutiny

Equally important is how our leaders are chosen. Political candidates – especially those seeking the office of Sikyong – must participate in public debates and submit themselves to voters’ hard questions. This is not optional; it is a democratic obligation.

Voters deserve clear and honest answers. Candidates for Sikyong and Chithue should therefore be prepared to respond publicly to questions such as the following:

Avoiding debates or meaningful scrutiny weakens our democracy and undermines voter confidence. We cannot credibly criticise China’s system of anointed leadership while tolerating practices that dilute democratic norms within our own polity. Transparency and accountability are not inconveniences; they are the very strengths that distinguish us.

Representation, Reform, and Responsibility

Elected Chithue must also show the courage to legislate for change. Parliamentary seats must be reviewed and rebalanced to reflect demographic realities within the diaspora. Such reforms should be guided by evidence and long-term vision – not factional politics or narrow interests. Failure to act will only entrench inefficiencies and weaken institutional legitimacy over time.

Leadership today demands difficult decisions. Avoiding them may be politically convenient, but it will prove costly for future generations.

A Final Word

The Tibetan cause remains just. But justice does not advance itself. It requires leaders who are principled yet pragmatic, bold yet disciplined, and accountable to the people they seek to serve.

In choosing our next Sikyong and Chithue, we are not merely filling positions. We are deciding whether we are serious about adapting to a changing world, stewarding limited resources wisely, and sustaining the Tibetan freedom movement beyond symbolism.

History has given us a narrowing window. Let us choose leaders worthy of the moment – and capable of ensuring that our struggle endures, evolves, and remains relevant in the years ahead.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder–chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

(First published in Tibetan Review on 31 December 2025)

As 2026 approaches, Tsering Passang* argues why resolving the China–Tibet conflict before it is too late serves global peace, regional stability, and justice, and sees a role for India, amid a weakening of Western support for Tibet and what he sees as a rising China’s dangerous miscalculation that time and demographics will dissolve the Tibetan question. (Tibetan Review)

As we approach 2026, the world is in the midst of a profound geopolitical recalibration that offers little comfort to stateless nations and persecuted peoples like Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Hong Kongers. China’s rise has been neither sudden nor accidental. It is the result of decades of strategic patience, economic integration, and the West’s willingness to prioritise business over values. For those of us who live under, or in exile because of, Beijing’s rule, this reality demands clarity rather than illusion.

China today wields unprecedented influence across the Global South, where infrastructure projects, loans, and political backing have translated into diplomatic loyalty. Western economies, despite growing unease, remain deeply reliant on Chinese manufacturing, supply chains, and markets. There is no serious sign of economic decoupling. As a result, the moral space for championing human rights in Tibet, East Turkestan (Xinjiang), or Hong Kong has narrowed considerably. Our struggles are no longer central to global agendas; they are often treated as inconvenient footnotes to economic diplomacy.

Recent developments in Washington, DC, underscore this troubling shift. The change in administration in January 2025 has coincided with the closure or scaling back of critical broadcasting platforms such as Radio Free Asia and Voice of America’s Tibetan-language services – lifelines that for decades transmitted independent news, cultural programming, and uncensored analysis into Tibet. At a time when information inside Tibet is tightly controlled and dissent criminalised, the loss of these voices is deeply unfortunate. It weakens not only Tibetans’ access to truth but also the international community’s ability to understand realities on the ground.

Compounding this challenge, reductions in annual US funding have begun to affect the Tibetan exile community’s sustainability. Capacity-building initiatives, educational programmes, leadership training, and grassroots advocacy – essential to maintaining a resilient, non-violent freedom movement – now face growing uncertainty. These investments were never acts of charity; they were commitments to democratic values, pluralism, and peaceful conflict resolution. Their erosion risks creating a vacuum that benefits repression, not stability.

For Tibetans, this moment is especially poignant. His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who turned 90 this year, remains the single most credible bridge between Tibetans and the Chinese state. His Middle Way Approach – seeking genuine autonomy within the framework of the People’s Republic of China – has been consistently realistic, pragmatic, and non-violent. Yet Beijing has chosen to sideline him, betting that time and demographics will dissolve the Tibetan question. This is a dangerous miscalculation. Ignoring the Dalai Lama does not end the conflict; it merely postpones it to a far more unstable and unpredictable future.

The same logic applies to Uyghurs and Hong Kong. In Xinjiang, the scale and sophistication of repression have shocked global consciences but failed to produce decisive collective action. In Hong Kong, the National Security Law has effectively extinguished the promise of “one country, two systems,” even as the world looks on with resignation. Taiwan now stands as the most visible flashpoint, with China’s increased military exercises signalling that coercion is no longer hypothetical. A takeover of Taiwan would not only redraw Asia’s security architecture but would extinguish any remaining hope that Beijing can be persuaded through restraint alone.

And yet, opportunities – however limited – do exist.

India occupies a unique and consequential position in this landscape. Relations between New Delhi and Beijing may appear eased for now, but deep distrust persists, particularly along the unresolved border in Arunachal Pradesh, which China claims as “Southern Tibet.” The McMahon Line, agreed upon in the 1914 Simla Convention signed between British India and Tibet, remains the de facto boundary, yet Beijing continues to reject its legitimacy. Dozens of rounds of border talks have yielded little progress. This is not merely a territorial dispute; it is inseparable from Tibet’s unresolved political status.

India has long hosted the Tibetan government-in-exile and the Dalai Lama himself. With this moral responsibility comes strategic opportunity. By raising the Tibet issue on global forums – not as an act of hostility, but as a pursuit of truth, reconciliation, and justice – India can help frame a solution that benefits all stakeholders. Resolving the China–Tibet conflict while the Dalai Lama is still with us would remove a major source of regional tension, stabilise the Himalayan frontier, and offer Beijing a dignified pathway toward lasting peace.

Such an approach need not be confrontational. India can work with friends and allies to encourage Beijing to take a realistic and forward-looking approach rooted in autonomy, cultural preservation, and religious freedom. The Dalai Lama’s moral authority – trusted by Tibetans and respected worldwide – remains an asset no other figure can replace. Ignoring this opportunity risks leaving behind a vacuum filled by resentment, radicalisation, and instability.

As we look ahead to 2026, Tibetans harbour no illusions of quick victories. But history reminds us that even the most powerful states cannot indefinitely suppress the aspirations of a people without consequence. The question is whether the international community – and particularly India and the United States – will choose foresight over fear. Continued support for Tibetan institutions, independent media, education, and dialogue is not symbolic; it is strategic.

Time is not infinite. For Tibet, for China, and for the region, the moment to act is now – while wisdom, dialogue, and reconciliation are still possible.

Tsering Passang is the founder-chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, based in London. He is a prominent Tibetan human rights advocate who works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful resolution for Tibetans and other persecuted communities under authoritarian rule. Tsering’s blog: www.Tsamtruk.com

WASHINGTON, D.C., (Dec. 29, 2025) — The Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong Foundation (CFHK Foundation) on Monday released two open letters, signed by more than 50 U.S. and international organizations, urging President Donald Trump and key Congressional leaders to take immediate, concrete action following the guilty verdict of Hong Kong publisher Jimmy Lai, warning that his case represents a grave escalation in Beijing’s crackdown on press freedom and political dissent.

The groups call for the release of Lai, six of his former Apple Daily executives, and other political prisoners held in Hong Kong.

On Dec. 15, 2025, a panel of three national security judges found Lai guilty of conspiring to collude with foreign forces and publishing seditious materials under Hong Kong’s National Security Law. The 855-page judgment cites interactions with U.S. political figures and officials — including contacts involving President Trump, members of his first administration, and members of Congress — as purported evidence of “collusion with foreign forces.” The verdict marks a decisive break with rule of law principles and fundamental protections for free expression and due process in Hong Kong. A mitigation hearing is scheduled to begin on Jan. 12, 2026, after which the court will proceed to sentencing; Lai now faces the possibility of life imprisonment.

The coalition’s call for action is also driven by urgent humanitarian concerns. Lai, 78, has been detained for more than five years, much of it in solitary confinement. Press freedom and human rights organizations, along with Lai’s family, have repeatedly raised alarm about his deteriorating health, citing significant weight loss, untreated medical conditions, and harsh prison conditions. The coalition warns that time is running out.

In the letters, we outline a coordinated approach combining immediate executive and congressional action:

• Making Lai’s release and meaningful steps to free political prisoners a central element for any high‑level engagement or potential presidential visit to Beijing in 2026, treating progress on human rights as integral to a stable, predictable environment for U.S. economic interests in the region. 
• Targeted sanctions on the three national security judges in Lai’s trial — Esther Toh Lye-ping, Alex Lee Wan-tang, and Susana D’Almada Remedios — as well as prosecutors and Hong Kong and Chinese officials responsible for this political prosecution, using both executive authority and Congressional push to pass the Hong Kong Judicial Sanctions Act (H.R. 733 / S. 1755). 
• Reassessment of the privileges and immunities enjoyed by the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices in the United States, including a Congressional push to pass the Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices Certification Act (H.R. 2661) and an administrative review that can be done without Congressional action.  

“Jimmy Lai’s conviction is a direct attack on the U.S. Lai is being punished merely for his journalism, peaceful advocacy, and ordinary engagement with U.S. officials,” Frances Hui, the CFHK Foundation’s policy and advocacy coordinator, said. “No one should face life in prison for defending freedom and speaking to the world. President Trump and Congress have both the leverage and the responsibility to act now — to save a 78‑year‑old democracy advocate from dying in prison, to show Beijing that there are real costs for assaulting basic freedom, and to prove that standing with democracy and free speech is still in America’s strategic interest.” 

NOTE: The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities is delighted to join this grand coalition of over 55 U.S. and international human rights groups and organisations calling on U.S. leadership to take action following the Jimmy Lai verdict – before time runs out.

GATPM, London | 23 December 2025

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) strongly welcomes the Statement of the European Union Delegation to China on International Human Rights Day 2025, issued on 10 December in Beijing, as a principled and necessary reaffirmation of the EU’s commitment to universal human rights, minority protection, and human dignity.

As 2025 comes to an end, GATPM regards the EU’s statement as a vital intervention at a time when human rights conditions in China continue to deteriorate. The EU’s explicit recognition of the situation facing Tibetans, Uyghurs, Southern Mongolians, religious communities, human rights defenders, and other persecuted minorities helps counter denial, silence, and impunity.

The EU’s detailed reference to the situation in Tibet – including restrictions on religious freedom, intensified surveillance of monasteries, forced boarding schools, and the systematic marginalisation of Tibetan language and culture – reflects the lived reality of the Tibetan people. GATPM welcomes this clarity, which validates long-standing concerns raised by Tibetan civil society and international human rights organisations.

GATPM also strongly acknowledges the EU’s continued call for accountability for enforced disappearances, including that of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the 11th Panchen Lama, and its firm position that the succession of Tibetan religious leaders, including His Holiness the Dalai Lama, must occur free from state interference and in accordance with religious tradition.

GATPM believes that the EU’s Human Rights Day statement sends a critical message as the world moves into 2026: principled engagement must be matched by concrete action. Continued repression, cultural erasure, and collective punishment underscore the urgency of coordinated international responses.

Dialogue alone has not resulted in meaningful improvements on the ground. Stronger accountability mechanisms, coordinated diplomatic pressure, and protective measures for vulnerable communities are urgently needed.

Tsering Passang, Founder-Chair-Founder of GATPM, said:

“As 2025 draws to a close, the European Union’s Human Rights Day statement stands as a moral anchor in an increasingly uncertain world. We welcome the EU’s clarity in naming the grave realities faced by Tibetans and other persecuted minorities. This is an essential step – but words must now be translated into action. 2026 must be a year where principled engagement is reinforced by concrete measures that protect cultures, languages, faiths, and fundamental human dignity.”

Looking Ahead to 2026

GATPM urges the European Union and its Member States to strengthen their response in 2026 by:

• Advancing accountability through multilateral mechanisms
• Supporting independent UN investigations and follow-up actions
• Expanding protection for human rights defenders and exiled communities
• Ensuring that trade, investment, and diplomatic engagement do not undermine human rights obligations

As the international community enters 2026, GATPM reiterates its commitment to working with democratic governments, civil society, and international institutions to ensure that the voices of Tibetans and all persecuted minorities are not silenced, forgotten, or erased.

Statement of the EU Delegation in China on the International Human Rights Day 

10.12.2025  Beijing Press and information team of the Delegation to CHINA

On the occasion of Human Rights Day 2025, the Delegation of the European Union to China reaffirms, in line with Article 21 of the Treaty on European Union, the principles that guide the Union’s external action, including “the universality and indivisibility of human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as respect for human dignity, the principles of equality and solidarity”.

Over the past year, our engagement with China on human rights has continued. The 40th EU–China Human Rights Dialogue was held in Brussels in June, preceded by a field visit to South Tyrol that focused on multilingualism and the protection of minorities rights. The EU also consistently raised human rights concerns at the 25th EU–China Summit in July 2025 as well as in multilateral fora, including at the 59th and 60th sessions of the UN Human Rights Council. Where possible and in full respect of universal human rights, the EU remained open to working with China including in multilateral settings.

In spite of these engagements, unfortunately, the overall human rights situation in China showed no substantive sign of improvement. We uphold all human rights, civil, cultural, economic, social and political rights and emphasize the importance of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which China is a signatory. The EU remains deeply concerned about the systemic and severe restrictions on the exercise of fundamental freedoms and on the right of minorities to enjoy their own culture, and to use their own language, in private and public, including in the field of education. These restrictions risk leading to cultural erasure. 

In this context, the situation in Xinjiang remains serious. Numerous credible reports, including the assessment issued by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), indicate serious human rights violations that “may constitute international crimes, in particular crimes against humanity”. The EU remains deeply troubled by continuing reports of forced labour and state‑imposed labour transfer schemes involving Uyghurs both within Xinjiang and to other provinces.

The human rights situation in Tibet remains equally alarming. This applies both to the Tibet Autonomous Region and to Tibetan areas of Qinghai, Sichuan and Gansu provinces, where similar patterns of restrictions have been reported. Reports continue to document far-reaching state control over religious life, intensified surveillance of monasteries, and the imposition of mandatory boarding schools, where Tibetan children are separated from their families and educated primarily in Mandarin. The closure of Tibetan-language schools, and the marginalisation of Tibetan-language instruction are deeply troubling. 

We reiterate our concern for the enforced disappearance since 1995 of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the 11th Panchen Lama. No credible information is provided on his whereabouts or well-being. We continue to call on China to respect and protect the rights of persons belonging to religious groups to exercise their religious freedoms without interference. The selection of religious leaders should happen without government interference and in accordance with religious norms, including for the succession of the Dalai Lama. 

The EU also remains concerned about the situation in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, where policy shifts have resulted in a marked reduction in the use of Mongolian as a language of instruction and a narrowing of space for cultural and linguistic expression. The move from Mongolian as a vehicle of instruction to its relegation as a stand‑alone subject stands in contrast with official commitments to ethnic harmony and cultural diversity, and risks accelerating the erosion of the Mongolian community’s cultural and linguistic identity.

The recent nationwide crackdown on the Beijing Zion Church network, including the arrest of clergy, is a further sign of a broader tightening of control over religious communities and online religious activities.

On Human Rights Day, we affirm our clear and principled call for the abolition of the death penalty globally, in accordance with international human rights law. The EU highlights that capital punishment is ineffective as a deterrent, unnecessary for modern justice systems, and irrevocable, constituting a violation of human dignity. We are concerned that China continues to use the death penalty, including for non-violent offences, in a system lacking transparency. The EU urges China to establish a moratorium on executions, adopt rigorous and transparent procedures for reviewing sentences and reporting cases, and ultimately abolish this irreversible practice.

We stand firmly with human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists and all those who face repression for exercising or defending fundamental rights. In China, individuals who speak out continue to face harassment, intimidation, intrusive surveillance, exit bans, house arrest, unlawful detention, torture and ill-treatment, and enforced disappearance. 

The EU urges China to uphold the rule of law and guarantee fair trials and due process for all. Comprehensive, impartial investigations into allegations of arbitrary detention, torture and other inhumane treatment must be ensured, including harassment targeting human rights defenders and their families. All detainees must be able to choose their own legal representation, access adequate medical care, and maintain regular contact with their relatives. We reiterate our call on China to abolish Residential Surveillance at a Designated Location (RSDL), which UN Special Procedures have assessed as a form of enforced disappearance. Torture, ill-treatment and coerced or televised confessions constitute grave violations of international law and must be eliminated entirely.

The EU continues to be concerned and calls for the immediate and unconditional release of, among others, Gulshan Abbas, Anya Sengdra, Ekpar Asat, Chadrel Rinpoche, Rahile Dawut, Ding Jiaxi, Ding Yuande, Dong Yuyu, Pastor Mingri (Ezra) Jin, Gao Zhen, Gao Zhisheng, Go Sherab Gyatso, Golog Palden, He Fangmei, Huang Qi, Huang Xueqin, Hushtar Isa, Yalkun Isa, Ji Xiaolong, Li Yanhe, Peng Lifa, Qin Yongming, Ruan Xiaohuan, Tashi Dorje, Tashpolat Tiyip, Sakharov Prize winner Ilham Tohti, Wang Bingzhang, Pastor Wang Yi, Kamile Wayit, Xie Yang, Xu Na, Xu Zhiyong, Yang Hengjung, Yang Maodong, Yu Wensheng, Pastor Zhang Chunlei, Tara Zhang Yadi and Zhang Zhan, as well as EU citizen Gui Minhai whose right to consular access must be respected.

The EU underscores the essential role of freedom of expression, media independence and access to information in ensuring accountable and effective governance. In China, these freedoms remain severely constrained. Suppression of expression persists through pervasive online censorship, intensified control of digital platforms, deletion of content addressing socially sensitive issues, and pressure on users to conform to official narratives. Journalists, other media workers and bloggers continue to face intimidation, surveillance, arrest, prosecution and harsh sentencing simply for carrying out their professional duties. Chinese journalists should be able to meet freely with all interlocutors – including foreign counterparts – without fear of reprisals. Foreign correspondents likewise operate in a restrictive environment marked by harassment, surveillance, obstacles to reporting, and visa uncertainty. The EU also calls on China to respect the right to demonstration, which remains an integral component of freedom of expression and civic participation.

The EU strongly promotes global gender equality and women and girls full enjoyment of human rights. As we mark the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Conference on Women, we emphasise that the commitments from the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action remain crucial. These commitments focus on women’s full participation in political and public decision-making, economic empowerment, and the dismantling of discriminatory social and cultural norms. Urgent attention is needed to combat widespread sexual and gender-based violence – both online and offline – globally, including in China and within the EU. The EU urges China to protect women human rights defenders, gender-equality advocates, and those opposing discrimination.

The EU reaffirms its commitment to LGBTI persons’ full enjoyment of human rights. We are concerned about the rising challenges faced by China’s LGBTI community, including the restriction on the freedom of association, online censorship, and intimidation of activists. No one should endure harassment, job loss, or surveillance due to their sexual orientation, gender identity, or expression. The EU calls on China to ensure that all individuals can live safely and freely without discrimination, stigma, or fear, and to uphold the fundamental rights of LGBTI persons according to international human rights standards.

In Hong Kong, fundamental rights and freedoms have further eroded. Five years after the entry into force of the National Security Law, over 330 people have been arrested and more than 160 convicted under the NSL and the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance. We continue to closely follow the cases of individuals charged under these laws, including barrister and human rights defender Chow Hang-tung and British citizen and media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai, whose deteriorating health is deeply worrying. The extraterritorial application of national security legislation and the repeated issuance of arrest warrants against persons abroad, including an EU citizen, remain unacceptable.

China must also respect the principle of non-refoulement, and refrain from any extraterritorial activity, including transnational repression, that is not in line with international law. 

The EU will continue to promote human rights, democracy, the rule of law and accountability everywhere, including through sustained engagement with Chinese authorities, international partners, civil society and human rights defenders. On this Human Rights Day, we reaffirm our commitment to uphold the dignity and freedoms of all people in China and around the world.

The Tibetan Community in Britain is honoured to present the UK Compassionate Concert 2025, an evening of music, memory, and meaning featuring the pioneering Tibetan singer Tsering Gyurmey. Local talented artists, Bollywood dance performances, and traditional Gorshey will also feature the evening.

This special concert, to be held on 27th December, forms part of the Year of Compassion, a series of community-led events organised in celebration of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama’s 90th birthday, and is held in support of the Tibetan Community Hall Project – a vital initiative to establish a permanent space for cultural continuity, community connection, and collective growth for Tibetans living in the UK.

About the Artist – Tsering Gyurmey

Tsering Gyurmey stands among the most revered and influential voices in contemporary Tibetan music. Born and raised in the Tibetan settlement of Odisha (Orissa), India, his early life was shaped by the lived realities of exile – an experience that would profoundly inform both his artistic and spiritual journey.

He received his formal education at the Central School for Tibetans, Darjeeling, where his early musical sensibilities began to take shape. Recognising his natural talent and dedication, he later joined the prestigious Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA) in Dharamsala, where he refined his vocal artistry and deepened his understanding of Tibetan musical traditions. TIPA provided the foundation upon which he would build a lifelong career devoted to preserving and evolving Tibetan music.

More than three decades ago, Tsering Gyurmey made Nepal his home, where he continues to live and create today. From Nepal, he has produced a rich and enduring body of work that seamlessly weaves traditional Tibetan melodies with contemporary musical expression. His songs explore themes of compassion, longing, resilience, devotion, and hope – echoing the emotional and spiritual experiences of Tibetans across generations and geographies.

His music has reached and touched millions of Tibetans worldwide, including in China’s occupied-Tibet, becoming an integral part of the soundscape of exile. Among his most celebrated and best-selling albums is Tsawai Lama – Root Guru, a deeply devotional work that reflects his spiritual depth and profound reverence for the guru-disciple relationship central to Tibetan Buddhism.

Renowned for his warm, resonant voice and poetic sincerity, Tsering Gyurmey has toured extensively across Asia, Europe, and North America, performing for Tibetan communities and international audiences alike. He is especially admired for his generosity of spirit– frequently collaborating and duetting with both aspiring and established Tibetan singers, from the diaspora as well as from inside Tibet – helping nurture emerging talent while ensuring the continued vitality and relevance of Tibetan music.

Musical Journey & Album Highlights

Across decades of artistic dedication, Tsering Gyurmey has released numerous Tibetan music albums that are deeply cherished by listeners in exile and beyond. His recordings are celebrated for their emotional sincerity, lyrical richness, and spiritual grounding.

His musical repertoire includes:

• Early works rooted in traditional Tibetan folk and exile songs, reflecting the emotional landscape of settlement life in India
• Devotional and contemplative compositions, inspired by Buddhist values of compassion, mindfulness, and inner reflection
• Contemporary Tibetan albums blending modern arrangements with traditional melodies, resonating strongly with younger generations
• Collaborative projects and duets with emerging Tibetan singers, offering mentorship and shared artistic expression

Notable works include the acclaimed Tsawai Lama – Root Guru, alongside other albums that reflect enduring themes of love for Tibet, spiritual devotion, and the shared experience of exile.

The Compassionate Cause

This UK Compassionate Concert is dedicated to raising funds for the Tibetan Community Hall Project, envisioned as a permanent home for:

• Cultural preservation and celebrations
• Community gatherings and youth engagement
• Educational, spiritual, and social programmes

By attending this concert, audiences will not only experience an unforgettable evening of Tibetan music, but also contribute meaningfully to strengthening and sustaining the Tibetan community in Britain for generations to come.

Come together for an evening of music, compassion, and community, guided by a legendary voice that continues to inspire Tibetans across the world.

Tibetan Community in Britain – www.tibetancommunityuk.net