Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM)

London | 30 July 2026 |  Tsering Passang |

China’s rapid emergence as a global leader in artificial intelligence is not merely a technological success story; it is also a geopolitical strategy with profound implications for the international order. As Beijing expands its influence through AI, digital infrastructure and strategic partnerships, the struggle of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Southern Mongolians, Chinese Christians and other persecuted communities risks becoming increasingly marginalised. The more indispensable China becomes as a technological partner, the more reluctant governments may become to challenge Beijing on questions of human rights.

Much of the international discussion has centred on the strategic rivalry between China and the United States over advanced AI models, semiconductor controls and technological supremacy. Yet this focus risks overlooking a broader and arguably more consequential strategy. China is using technology, education and international cooperation to cultivate long-term political influence across the Global South, positioning itself not simply as a technological power but as an indispensable development partner.

President Xi Jinping articulated this strategy during his keynote address at the opening ceremony of the 2026 World AI Conference and High-Level Meeting on Global AI Governance in Shanghai on 17 July. Xi announced that China will provide more than 5,000 AI training programmes and establish AI application cooperation centres over the next five years for participants from Latin America and the Caribbean, the African Union, the Arab League, ASEAN, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS countries.

The scale of this initiative is striking. It encompasses countries representing nearly two-thirds of the world’s sovereign states, spanning Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia and Central Eurasia. This is far more than an educational programme. It represents a strategic investment in future partnerships, technical standards, institutional networks and political goodwill that could shape both the global AI ecosystem and the geopolitical landscape for decades to come.

For many developing countries, China’s offer is attractive. It provides access to technology, expertise and infrastructure without the political conditions that often accompany Western assistance. As these relationships deepen, Beijing’s diplomatic influence is likely to expand alongside its technological leadership, creating a growing network of governments whose economic futures become increasingly intertwined with China’s own.

This growing influence has significant implications for communities whose rights continue to attract international concern. Following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Tibet and what Beijing refers to as the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (known as East Turkistan) came under the full control of the new Communist government through brutal military occupation. 

Today, Beijing faces sustained international criticism over its policies in Tibet, allegations of serious human rights abuses, including genocides against the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, restrictions on cultural and linguistic rights in Inner Mongolia, and concerns over limitations on religious freedom affecting Chinese Christians and other faith communities. The implementation of China’s Ethnic Unity Law on 1 July 2026 has further intensified concerns among many observers that assimilation, rather than genuine ethnic diversity, is becoming an increasingly explicit objective of state policy. Beyond China’s borders, many activists fear the law may also have implications for diaspora communities and those campaigning internationally for the rights of persecuted peoples.

For those advocating freedom, cultural survival and human rights, this changing geopolitical environment presents an increasingly difficult challenge. As more governments become economically and technologically dependent on China, fewer may be willing to raise sensitive issues relating to Tibet, East Turkistan, Inner Mongolia or religious freedom within China. Economic interdependence can gradually evolve into diplomatic caution, and diplomatic caution can become silence.

This is why China’s AI strategy should not be viewed solely through the prism of technological competition with the West. It is equally a contest over influence, international norms and political legitimacy. The defining question is no longer simply who develops the most powerful AI systems. It is also who educates the next generation of AI leaders, establishes global standards, builds enduring partnerships and shapes the policy choices of governments around the world.

As democratic nations deepen technological cooperation with China in pursuit of innovation, investment and economic growth, they should not lose sight of the historical experiences that shaped their own commitment to liberty, democracy and human rights. Many of today’s democracies emerged from struggles against colonial domination, foreign occupation or authoritarian rule. Those experiences helped forge international commitments to self-determination, religious freedom and the protection of fundamental human rights. They should also inspire solidarity with peoples, including the Tibetans and Uyghurs, who continue to face restrictions on those same freedoms today.

The pursuit of AI cooperation and economic opportunity should not come at the expense of overlooking the plight of Tibetan Buddhists, Uyghur Muslims, Chinese Christians, Southern Mongolians and others who continue to face persecution because of their ethnicity, culture or beliefs. Constructive engagement with China need not require moral compromise. Democracies can pursue economic and technological partnerships while remaining principled and consistent in defending universal human rights.

China’s remarkable economic and technological transformation has occurred alongside decades of tightening political control and persistent repression affecting multiple minority and religious communities. For the Tibetans, Uyghurs and others, China’s rise has not brought greater freedom or cultural security but has been accompanied by increasing restrictions on language, religion, identity and political expression. As governments and institutions embrace closer partnerships with Beijing in the age of artificial intelligence, they should ensure that commercial and strategic interests do not eclipse these enduring human rights concerns.

The race for AI leadership is therefore not simply a competition over innovation or economic advantage. It is also a contest over the kind of international order that will emerge in the decades ahead. Democracies cannot afford to treat technological cooperation and human rights as entirely separate conversations. If economic dependence erodes governments’ willingness to defend universal values, they risk creating an international environment in which influence increasingly outweighs accountability.

History offers an important reminder. Democracies that once endured colonialism, foreign domination or political oppression should recognise the importance of standing alongside those who continue to seek the freedoms they themselves now enjoy. The pursuit of prosperity must never come at the cost of forgetting those whose fundamental rights remain under threat.

For Tibetans, Uyghurs, Chinese Christians, Southern Mongolians and other persecuted peoples, the future will depend not only on documenting abuses but also on ensuring that democratic governments continue to uphold the principles they profess to champion. Their voices should not become casualties of geopolitical competition or technological ambition.

Ultimately, the global race for artificial intelligence is about far more than algorithms, computing power or market share. It is a test of whether the international community can preserve the values of human dignity, freedom of belief and accountability while navigating a new era of technological transformation. If democracies fail to balance strategic engagement with principled leadership, they risk not only weakening their own moral credibility but also leaving some of the world’s most vulnerable communities with fewer allies and diminishing hope that justice will prevail.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder and chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

London | 18 July 2026 | GATPM |

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities are proud to join 59 global NGOs, press freedom groups, and human rights organisations in endorsing this joint statement, led by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), calling on the Thai government to halt the forcible return of Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong to China. We stand in solidarity with our partners in urging the Thai authorities to uphold their international human rights obligations and protect Bai from refoulement.

Joint Statement: Urgent Call to Thai Government to Halt the Forcible Return of Journalist Bai Zhaodong to China

July 17th – We, the undersigned press freedom, journalists’ human rights, and international organisations, urgently call on the Thai authorities to refrain from forcibly returning detained Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong to China. This appeal follows confirmation from local sources that Bai, who is currently held at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre in Bangkok, faces an imminent risk of deportation.

In September 2024, Bai became the subject of an arrest warrant issued by the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City on fabricated charges of “extortion”. Since then, Thai authorities have prevented him from relocating to a safe third country and barred him from leaving Thailand. He has been held in immigration detention since January 2026.

If returned to China, Bai would face a grave, foreseeable, personal, and real risk of political persecution, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture, and other serious human rights violations. His forced return would therefore undeniably violate Thailand’s obligations under international and domestic torture prohibitions (non-refoulement).

The UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, Andrea Bolaños Vargas, has urged the Thai authorities to “immediately halt any deportation proceedings, facilitate his prompt relocation, and ensure his safety and access to adequate healthcare.”

Bai Zhaodong has worked as an investigative journalist in China for more than 25 years, most recently for the respected Caijing magazine in Beijing. His reporting uncovered a large-scale corruption and financial fraud network involving money laundering and other illicit financial activities. The investigation implicated both local government officials and senior figures within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).

Because of the senior officials implicated and the sensitive nature of his reporting, Bai became the target of intensified surveillance, intimidation, and sustained harassment by both local and central Chinese authorities following the publication of his investigation.

Throughout his career, Bai has faced repeated retaliation for his investigative reporting on corruption and financial fraud in Shaanxi Province. Chinese authorities have subjected him to six separate rounds of criminal charges, interrogations, and detention in connection with his journalistic work.

The Chinese government routinely uses vague and politically motivated charges, including “espionage,” “subversion,” and “picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” to prosecute journalists, writers, scholars and activists. China is currently the world’s largest jailer of journalists, with 120 journalists imprisoned. It ranks 178th out of 180 countries and territories in Reporters Without Borders’ 2026 World Press Freedom Index.

We therefore urge the Thai government to:

● Immediately halt any deportation or forcible return of Bai Zhaodong to China.

● Facilitate Bai Zhaodong’s safe transfer to a third country willing to provide him with international protection.

● Refrain from cooperating with requests from the Chinese authorities that would result in the persecution of journalists, writers, scholars, activists or other individuals at risk of serious human rights violations.

Signatories:

1. Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

2. Safeguard Defenders (SD)

3. World Uyghur Congress

4. The Uyghur Center for Democracy and Human Rights

5. Legal Initiatives for Vietnam

6. Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities

7. Grupo de Apoio ao Tibete-Portugal

8. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory

for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

9. The Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM)

10. International Tibet Network

11. Aus-Hong Kong Connex 港人匯坊

12. Hongkongers in Britain (HKB)

13. Asian Lawyers Network (ALN)

14. GreatFire

15. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)

16. Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD)

17. Network of Chinese Human Rights Defenders

18. Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI)

19. The Rights Practice

20. Reading UK Stands with HK

21. The Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong (CFHK) Foundation

22. Dandelion Solidarity

23. ARTICLE 19

24. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the

Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

25. Center for Uyghur Studies

26. Dialogue China

27. European Values Center for Security Policy

28. PEN International

29. Lady Liberty Hong Kong (LLHK)

30. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation

31. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

32. Human Rights Foundation (HRF)33. Tibet Action Institute

34. Human Rights First

35. PEN America

36. Fortify Rights

37. Hong Kong Watch

38. Bay Area Friends of Tibet

39. Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)

40. Freedom House

41. American Society of Journalists and Authors

42. Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP)

43. Society of Professional Journalists

44. Viet Tan

45. US Hongkongers Club 美國香港人會館

46. Milk Tea Alliance Japan (MTAJ)

47. Swedish Tibet Committee

48. Amnesty International

49. Taiwan Economic Democracy Union

50. Index on Censorship

51. PEN Sweden

52. Doublethink Lab

53. Prachatai

54. The Swedish Media Publishers’ Association

55. Taiwan Association for Human Rights

56. Judicial Reform Foundation (JRF)

57. Human Rights in China (HRIC)

58. Human Rights Watch

59. Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor (HKLRM

London, UK | 4th July 2026 | GATPM

On the evening of 3 July 2026, members of the Tibetan community and supporters gathered outside the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in Portland Place, London, to hold a peaceful vigil following the tragic death of Tibetan activist Lobga Rangzen, who died after setting himself on fire outside the United Nations headquarters in New York in an apparent act of protest against China’s policies in Tibet.(Link)

Watch the witness-recorded footage here: 

During the peaceful gathering, video footage recorded by witnesses appears to show individuals emerging from the embassy premises carrying what appear to be handheld electric shock batons. The footage shows visible electrical arcs being discharged from the devices while they are displayed towards protesters.

The Global Alliance for Tibet and Persecuted Minorities is deeply concerned by this incident.

The apparent display of electric shock batons outside a diplomatic mission in central London raises serious questions about public safety, the protection of peaceful protest, and the conduct expected of foreign diplomatic missions operating within the United Kingdom.

Every person in Britain has the right to peacefully assemble and express their views without fear of intimidation or violence. This right is protected under domestic law and international human rights standards. Any conduct that threatens or intimidates peaceful demonstrators should be thoroughly investigated, regardless of the status of those involved.

Human rights organisations have, for many years, documented the use of electric shock batons by Chinese security personnel in places of detention, including in Tibet, as instruments of intimidation, coercion and abuse. For many Tibetans who have experienced or documented such repression, the apparent presence of similar devices during a peaceful demonstration in London is profoundly disturbing.

This incident also comes amid growing international concern regarding transnational repression by the Chinese government and follows the introduction of China’s new Ethnic Unity Law, which has generated concern because of its potential implications for Tibetans and other ethnic minorities, including those living outside China. (Link)

We therefore call upon:

• the Metropolitan Police Service to investigate this incident fully, including whether any criminal offences may have been committed; 

• the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to establish the identity and status of those involved and determine whether any diplomatic obligations have been breached; 

• Members of Parliament and relevant public authorities to consider this incident as part of the wider assessment of proposals concerning a new Chinese embassy in London; and 

• the international community to recognise the increasing pattern of intimidation directed towards Tibetan, Hong Kong, Uyghur and Chinese democracy communities living abroad. 

Peaceful protest is a cornerstone of democratic society.

Diplomatic premises should never become places from which intimidation is directed towards those exercising their lawful rights on British streets.

The Global Alliance For Tibet and Persecuted Minorities stands in solidarity with the Tibetan community, with all those peacefully protesting for human rights, and with everyone facing transnational repression.

About the footage:

Date: 3 July 2026 

Time: Approximately 7 pm BST 

Location: Outside the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China, Portland Place, London 

Event: Peaceful Protest and Candle Light Vigil organised by Tibetans and supporters following the death of Tibetan activist Lobga Rangzen outside the United Nations Headquarters in New York

London, GATPM | 2 July 2026

Tibetans, Uyghurs, Taiwanese, Hong Kongers, supporters and human rights advocates gathered outside the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China on the evening of 1 July 2026 to protest China’s Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, which came into force that day.

The peaceful 90-minute demonstration, organised by the Tibetan Community in Britain (TCB), brought together representatives from Tibetan, Uyghur, Hong Kong and Taiwanese communities, alongside human rights organisations and supporters, to condemn what they described as a dangerous escalation in the Chinese Communist Party’s campaign to erase the distinct identities, languages, cultures and religions of Tibetans, Uyghurs and other peoples living under Chinese rule.

The demonstration followed growing international concern over the law, adopted by China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) on 12 March 2026. Tibetan organisations, parliamentarians and human rights groups warn that it creates an expanded legal framework to accelerate assimilation policies by restricting cultural, linguistic, religious and educational freedoms while criminalising peaceful expressions of ethnic identity.

International Calls for Action

The protest echoed concerns expressed by the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, whose resolution, proposed by the administration of Sikyong Penpa Tsering, warned that the legislation undermines constitutionally guaranteed autonomy and further threatens Tibet’s distinct cultural, linguistic and religious identity.

Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the Central Tibetan Administration, warned that the law represents another stage in Beijing’s long-standing efforts to dismantle Tibet’s national identity and urged democratic governments to take coordinated action before irreversible damage is done to Tibet’s language, religion and cultural heritage.

In a coordinated global initiative led by the International Tibet Network (ITN), 151 Tibet organisations jointly urged foreign ministers to oppose the legislation and press for its repeal, warning:

“China’s new law marks a dangerous new escalation in Beijing’s campaign to erase the distinct identity of the Tibetan people. Behind the language of ‘unity’ lies a powerful legal framework through which Tibetans can be punished for exercising fundamental rights: speaking their language, practising their religion, preserving their culture, and peacefully expressing their identity. It is the codification of policies that strike at the heart of Tibetan survival as a distinct people.”

The organisations urged governments to act collectively, warning that silence “will be remembered as acquiescence” and calling on democratic nations to use their collective influence to oppose the law and resist the export of authoritarian influence.

Parliamentary and International Responses

Chris Law MP, Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) on Tibet, highlighted the importance of international solidarity and parliamentary scrutiny in responding to policies that threaten the rights and identity of Tibetans.

In a statement issued on 30 June, the APPG on Tibet described the legislation as:

“a dangerous legal instrument that entrenches the Chinese government’s policy of forced assimilation.”

The statement warned that the law threatens the languages, cultures, religions and identities of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Southern Mongolians and other ethnic nationalities through compulsory Mandarin education, surveillance, demographic engineering and ideological control. It also expressed concern that Article 63 could be used to target individuals and organisations overseas alleged to have “undermined ethnic unity”, raising serious implications for Tibetans, researchers, parliamentarians and human rights defenders in the United Kingdom.

The APPG concluded:

“The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Tibet unequivocally condemns this law and calls on the UK Government to formally convey its opposition to the Chinese Government, reject the implementation of this legislation, work with international partners to resist transnational repression, and urge its repeal in line with international human rights standards and the values of freedom, democracy and the rule of law.”

The Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC) likewise condemned the law, stating:

“What Beijing describes as ‘sinicisation’ is nothing less than a campaign of aggressive, state-mandated assimilation designed to systematically dismantle and erase the distinct linguistic, cultural and religious identities of Tibetans, Uyghurs and other ethnic minority groups within China.”

IPAC added that the legislation provides further legal cover for systematic repression, including forced labour affecting Uyghurs and the separation of more than one million Tibetan children into state-run boarding schools designed to assimilate them.

Voices of Solidarity

Opening the rally, Phuntsok Norbu, Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain, outlined the purpose of the demonstration:

“We have gathered here today to reject and call for the repeal of China’s Ethnic Unity Law, to condemn cultural assimilation, to demand an end to the CCP’s colonial-style boarding schools in Tibet, and to urge the Chinese government to stop erasing the identities, indigenous languages and cultures of the Tibetan, Uyghur, Southern Mongolian and Taiwanese peoples.”

He reaffirmed the right of all peoples to preserve their heritage, adding:

“We strongly oppose this law and firmly believe that Tibetans and all ethnic minorities have the right to protect and preserve their language, culture and heritage.”

Highlighting the demonstration’s significance as part of a coordinated global campaign on Tibet, he said:

“Today is a Global Day of Action. A total of 151 Tibet support groups from around the world have signed a joint letter calling on foreign ministers to reject China’s assimilation law. Along with other groups, the TCB also sent this joint letter to the UK Secretary of State at the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office earlier this week.”

Speaking on behalf of the UK Uyghur Community, Maira Aisa emphasised that the legislation was not the beginning of repression but “the continuation of one that has lasted for decades.”

She told the crowd:

“China calls this law the Ethnic Unity Law. But we know exactly what it means when an authoritarian state speaks of ‘unity’ — it often means uniformity. When it speaks of ‘stability,’ it often means silence. And when it speaks of ‘integration,’ it often means assimilation by force.”

Aisa warned that the legislation seeks not only to regulate behaviour but to erase identity itself:

“This law is not only about controlling behaviour. It is about controlling memory. It tells children what they should believe. It tells families what language they should speak. It tells an entire people that their identity must gradually disappear for the benefit of the state.”

Calling for continued solidarity, she concluded:

“Every time Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hong Kongers, Mongolians and Chinese democracy activists stand together, we prove that solidarity is stronger than repression. The Chinese government may pass laws. But no law can erase a nation, a language or a people’s memory.”

Rahima Mahmut, Executive Director of Stop Uyghur Genocide, Pempa Samuels, former General Secretary of the Tibetan Community in Britain, and Hsuan-Yi Li of Taiwan Democracy also addressed the demonstration, stressing that the legislation must be viewed within the broader context of Beijing’s systematic campaign of coercive assimilation, transnational repression and the erosion of the fundamental freedoms of Uyghurs, Tibetans and other persecuted communities.

The demonstration concluded with peaceful speeches, the singing of the Tibetan national anthem, chants of solidarity and calls for democratic governments to oppose the implementation of China’s Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, support its repeal, and strengthen international efforts to defend the human rights, cultural freedoms and distinct identities of Tibetans, Uyghurs and all persecuted peoples.

Useful Links

London, 23 June 2026 | GATPM

Tibetans, friends and supporters of Tibet, as well as all who stand for human rights and fundamental freedoms, are invited to join a peaceful protest outside the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China in London on 1 July 2026, from 5:30pm to 7:30pm.

This demonstration is organised in response to the recently adopted Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, passed by the National People’s Congress on 12 March 2026 and due to come into effect on 1 July 2026. The law has raised deep concern among Tibetan diaspora communities and human rights advocates due to its far-reaching implications for cultural rights, linguistic diversity, religious freedom, and the survival of distinct minority identities within the PRC.

This London protest is led by the Tibetan Community in Britain and supported by Tibet-related and human rights organisations, including Free Tibet, Voluntary Tibet Advocacy Group (V-TAG), Students for a Free Tibet (UK), and the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities.

This gathering follows concerns expressed in the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile Resolution on the Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, which warns that the legislation undermines constitutionally guaranteed autonomy and accelerates policies that threaten the preservation of Tibet’s distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious identity. The resolution calls for urgent international scrutiny and coordinated action.

Speakers from Tibetan and human rights organisations will address the gathering, followed by peaceful chanting and collective expressions of solidarity. This is a static, peaceful demonstration lasting two hours, intended to provide space for reflection, awareness, and a unified public voice.

We call on our friends and allies to stand together with us in London on 1 July 2026.

17 June 2026 | GATPM

The Passing of a Great Tibet Scholar and Activist

The Global Alliance for Tibet and Persecuted Minorities expresses its profound sadness at the passing of Professor Robert Thurman, who died peacefully on Tuesday morning, 16 June 2026, at his home in Woodstock, New York, at the age of 84. 

One of the most influential scholars and public advocates of the modern era, Professor Thurman spent more than half a century serving as a powerful voice for the Tibetan people and a passionate defender of their right to cultural, spiritual, and political survival. 

His departure leaves a void in the international movement for Tibet, yet his extraordinary legacy as a scholar activist ensures that his work will continue to inspire generations of campaigners fighting for justice, freedom, and human dignity.

For many within the Tibetan solidarity movement and our wider global alliance, Professor Thurman was a singular, towering presence. He was intellectually fearless, often delightfully provocative, and animated throughout his life by the conviction that academic scholarship must never be detached from moral action. 

He fiercely resisted the conventional notion that eastern philosophy or Tibetan thought should be treated as a passive, inward looking, or politically irrelevant pursuit. Instead, he presented Tibetan civilisation as a dynamic source of ethical reflection for practical resistance against authoritarian overreach. He brought Tibet’s cause before the world.

A Lifelong Friendship with His Holiness the Dalai Lama

Professor Thurman’s deep, enduring friendship with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama was a bond of trust that endured for more than six decades. 

Their connection began in the early 1960s, when Thurman, then a young man seeking spiritual meaning, travelled to India and was introduced by his first teacher, the Mongolian lama Geshe Wangyal. Thurman found in the Dalai Lama not only an instructor, but a lasting source of philosophical inspiration, moral courage, and deep personal warmth.

In 1965, Thurman became the first American to be ordained as a Tibetan Buddhist monk by the Dalai Lama himself. Although he later chose to return to lay life to pursue a family life and a distinguished academic career, the friendship and collaborative partnership between the two men remained. 

Their close friendship gave Thurman’s public advocacy its distinctive authority because he was not simply speaking about Tibet from an academic distance, but from within a lifelong relationship of trust, shared purpose, and direct historical witness.

Academic 

Professor Thurman’s formal academic career was equally remarkable. He earned his doctorate from Harvard University and later held the prestigious Jey Tsong Khapa Professorship of Indo-Tibetan Buddhist Studies at Columbia University, establishing the first endowed chair of its kind in the Western world. In that prominent role, he helped establish Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan studies as a serious, respected, and enduring field of global scholarship. 

Yet he never adopted the posture of a detached academic safe inside an ivory tower. Instead, he consistently utilised his academic authority and intellect as a powerful means of cultural defence and public responsibility.

He believed firmly that the study of Tibet could never be separated from the brutal political realities facing Tibetans under Chinese occupation. Through his extensive writing, lecturing, and international organising, Thurman directly challenged the systematic suppression of the Tibetan language, religion, and distinct cultural identity. He argued passionately that the destruction of Tibet was not merely an insular or local issue, but a critical global moral concern that affected all humanity. He viewed Tibetan civilisation as a repository of profound philosophical, ecological, and ethical wisdom, warning that its state sanctioned erasure would permanently impoverish the whole world. In this sense, his scholarship was entirely inseparable from his activism, treating knowledge as something that must actively protect and illuminate.

Political Advocate

Professor Thurman repeatedly defended the right of the Tibetan people to preserve their language, religion, delicate environment, and traditional way of life. 

In his public work, he framed the Tibetan cause not as a romanticised or nostalgic ideal, but as a practical, urgent moral necessity for global stability.

A Forceful Voice for Tibet in the United Kingdom

Professor Thurman’s activist campaign was truly global, including political advocacy in the UK in November 2025, when he delivered an inspiring and urgent address inside the Parliament of the United Kingdom. Speaking to a packed Committee Room in the House of Commons at an event hosted by The All-Party Parliamentary Group for Tibet, Thurman celebrated the Dalai Lama’s nine decades of tireless service to global peace. 

He utilised this high profile parliamentary platform to launch a devastating critique against Western governments, explicitly lambasting them for their reluctance to confront severe human rights abuses due to their transactional trade relationships with authoritarian regimes. He urged the British political establishment to treat the issue of Tibet as a matter of fundamental democratic principle rather than diplomatic convenience.

Tibet House US: Resistance and Cultural Preservation

One of Thurman’s most enduring institutional contributions to the movement was the co-founding of Tibet House US in New York in 1987, established alongside his wife Nena, Richard Gere, and Philip Glass at the explicit request of the Dalai Lama. The institution was designed to function as a cultural embassy for Tibet in exile, dedicated to preserving and presenting Tibetan art, thought, and spiritual heritage. It provided a vital public space for exhibitions, international teaching, performances, and human rights advocacy, ensuring that Tibetan culture remained visible, respected, and politically protected on the world stage.

Thurman also founded the American Institute of Buddhist Studies, through which he spearheaded a monumental translation project for the Tibetan Treasury of literature. He openly viewed this immense textual work as a direct form of political resistance. By translating classical Tibetan texts into modern languages, he sought to rescue them from systematic neglect, state distortion, and total political erasure under occupation. Through both institutions, he combined cultural preservation with intellectual resistance, proving that a culture’s literature is one of its most potent weapons against oppression.

Legacy 

Professor Robert Thurman leaves behind a formidable, unparalleled legacy as a scholar, translator, and unyielding champion of human rights. A great friend of Tibet has passed.

The Global Alliance for Tibet and Persecuted Minorities extends its deepest, most heartfelt condolences to the Thurman family, his colleagues at Tibet House US, and all those whose lives were helped by his teaching. 

Woolwich, London | 7 June 2026 | Tsering Passang | GATPM

Around 500 people gathered at Woolwich Works on the evening of Friday, 5 June, to witness a spectacular cultural performance by a 26-member troupe from the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA), marking a significant highlight of the global Year of Compassion celebrations commemorating the 90th birthday of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama.

The performance, the only major public TIPA event in London during its landmark UK tour, showcased the richness of Tibetan performing arts through traditional music, dance and theatrical presentations. The audience included Tibetans, friends of Tibet, local residents and members of the wider public, all of whom were treated to an inspiring celebration of Tibet’s living cultural heritage.

Opening the evening, Her Excellency Madam Tsering Yangkey, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama at the Office of Tibet, London, reflected on the significance of sharing Tibetan culture with the wider world.

“By sharing Tibetan culture with the wider world, we celebrate not only its beauty, but also the resilience of a people determined to preserve their identity and heritage. This evening is a reminder that Tibetan culture remains vibrant and alive, despite the challenges it faces. Thank you for joining us and supporting the preservation of Tibet’s cultural legacy.”

A particularly meaningful aspect of the evening was the presence of Cllr. David Gardner, His Worshipful Mayor of the Royal Borough of Greenwich, whose attendance added special significance to the event and underscored the borough’s longstanding friendship with the Tibetan people.

Addressing the audience, Mayor Gardner warmly welcomed TIPA to Woolwich and thanked the performers for bringing the spirit of Tibet to the borough. He noted that Woolwich Town Hall has had the honour of raising the Tibetan national flag each year in March as a gesture of solidarity with Tibet and its people. He further highlighted that the Royal Borough of Greenwich is proud to be a place of sanctuary for those fleeing persecution and that it is home to the largest Tibetan community within a single borough anywhere in the United Kingdom.

The Mayor’s presence was warmly received by the audience and reflected the Royal Borough’s continued support for Tibet, human rights, cultural diversity and community cohesion. His participation elevated the evening beyond a cultural performance, transforming it into a powerful expression of friendship and solidarity between the people of Greenwich and the Tibetan community.

In recognition of his special presence and continued support for Tibet and the Tibetan people, Mr Dhondup Tsering, Executive Director of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts, presented a commemorative memento and Khata (traditional white scarf) to Mayor Gardner. The presentation was accompanied by heartfelt appreciation for the Royal Borough’s enduring friendship with the Tibetan people and its continued support for Tibetan culture and identity within the borough. Madam Tsering Yangkey and Mr Phuntsok Norbu, Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain, further honoured Mayor Gardner by offering traditional Tibetan khatas as a symbol of respect and gratitude.

Woolwich’s Historic Connection with Tibet

The choice of Woolwich as the venue carried a deeper historical significance. While the Royal Borough of Greenwich today is home to the largest Tibetan community within a single borough in the United Kingdom, its connection with Tibet extends back more than a century.

During the reign of His Holiness the 13th Dalai Lama, Tibet embarked upon efforts to modernise key sectors of government and administration. As part of this vision, four young Tibetan boys arrived in Britain in 1913 on government scholarships to receive a modern education. Later known as the “Rugby Boys”, they became pioneers in Tibet’s early engagement with modern Western learning during a period when Britain maintained close ties with Tibet.

Two of these young Tibetans subsequently forged direct links with Woolwich. Sonam Gonpa Gongkar received military training at the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, during the First World War and was attached for a period to the Northumberland Fusiliers. The youngest student, Rigzin Dorje Ringang, pursued engineering studies before undertaking specialist training at the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, in 1920. Both later returned to Tibet, bringing with them valuable knowledge and expertise intended to support the country’s development.

This remarkable chapter of shared history makes Woolwich one of the few places in Britain with a direct connection to pre-1950 Tibet. More than a century later, the return of Tibetan performers to the Royal Arsenal area represented not only a cultural event but also a symbolic continuation of these historic ties.

A Living Tradition Returns to Britain

Founded in 1959 under the guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, TIPA remains the premier institution dedicated to preserving Tibetan performing arts in exile. Based in Dharamsala, India, the institute has played a central role in safeguarding Tibet’s rich artistic traditions and transmitting them to future generations.

The 2026 UK tour marks TIPA’s first visit to Britain in more than two decades and forms part of the Central Tibetan Administration’s global Year of Compassion celebrations. Organised by Tibet House Trust and the Office of Tibet in collaboration with the Tibetan Community in Britain, Free Tibet, Tibet Relief Fund, London Kagyu Samye Dzong, Tibet Action Institute, Tashi Lhunpo Monastery UK Trust, and TIPA, the tour seeks to promote the universal values of compassion, non-violence and cultural understanding.

The cultural programme featured a rich variety of traditional performances, including Nangma Tala Shipa, Markham Aekor Lenmo, Do-mey Dakar Neyri, Damshung Drok Shay, Kongpo Tashi Choepa Yoedo, Ngari Gongtoe Thoe-la, Shacham, Ngonpai Dhon, Ralpa Dance and the much-loved Yak Dance, each representing distinct regional traditions from across Tibet.

The performers captivated the audience with colourful costumes, vibrant choreography and melodies rooted in centuries-old traditions. Throughout the evening, the performances reflected the diversity and vitality of Tibetan culture, demonstrating how these artistic traditions continue to thrive despite decades of displacement and political challenges.

Following a short interval, the audience was presented with a powerful theatrical production highlighting the plight of more than one million Tibetan children enrolled in China’s colonial boarding school system. Written and directed by Lhasho Sonam Tsetan, the production depicted the profound cultural and emotional consequences of policies that separate Tibetan children from their families and communities.

The performance explored one of the most pressing contemporary issues facing Tibet. Human rights advocates, Tibetan organisations and independent experts have expressed concern over China’s vast network of state-run boarding schools, where Tibetan children are educated primarily in Mandarin Chinese and often spend much of the year away from their families.

Through drama, music and visual storytelling, the production illustrated fears that the system weakens children’s connection to Tibetan language, culture, religion and traditional values. The presentation proved both moving and thought-provoking, receiving sustained applause from the audience.

Reflections from the Audience

As the audience departed Woolwich Works following an evening of colour, music and celebration, many reflected on the enduring message conveyed through Tibetan performing arts: that compassion, resilience and cultural identity continue to flourish despite adversity.

One spectator, who had attended TIPA’s acclaimed production of Shakuntala during the troupe’s 2004 UK tour, fondly recalled his earlier experience and expressed delight at seeing TIPA return to London after more than two decades.

Among those attending were the granddaughter of Sir Basil Gould and her husband, who were deeply moved by the performances. They had recently returned from India, where they visited Dharamsala, the headquarters of the Central Tibetan Administration, and received an audience with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

Their presence carried particular historical resonance. Sir Basil Gould attended the enthronement ceremony of the 14th Dalai Lama in Lhasa in February 1940 as the official representative of the British Government in his capacity as Political Officer for Sikkim, Bhutan and Tibet. His family’s attendance at the Woolwich performance served as a poignant reminder of the longstanding historical relationship between Britain and Tibet.

An Evening of Culture, History and Friendship

The Woolwich performance was far more than a cultural presentation. It brought together history, community and shared values in a borough that has become an important home for Tibetans in Britain.

The presence of Mayor David Gardner demonstrated the Royal Borough of Greenwich’s continued friendship with the Tibetan people, while the performances themselves showcased the resilience of a culture that continues to flourish in exile. At the same time, the historic links between Woolwich and Tibet – from the Rugby Boys to the present-day Tibetan community – provided a powerful backdrop to the evening’s celebrations.

As TIPA continues its first UK tour in more than twenty years, the success of the Woolwich performance stands as a testament to the enduring appeal of Tibetan culture and to the universal message of compassion that lies at the heart of the Year of Compassion celebrations.

A rare public recognition for one of the most trusted and discreet figures in the service of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama of Tibet

London, 20 May 2026 – In a rare public recognition of a life spent largely behind the scenes, Tenzin Taklha was honoured at Thiksey Monastery on 20 May 2026 during celebrations marking the 84th birthday of the 9th Thiksey Rinpoche. The longtime aide to His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama received a commemorative citation and medal in recognition of more than three decades of devoted service to the Tibetan spiritual leader, the Tibetan community in exile and the wider Himalayan world.

For many Tibetans and those who have worked closely with the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the recognition carried particular significance. Taklha, who has served as Chief of Security since 1996 and as Secretary to His Holiness since 2014, is widely regarded as a calm, disciplined and deeply trusted figure whose work has quietly supported the Dalai Lama’s global engagements for nearly three decades.

A Life Shaped by Exile and Service

The award itself reflects that spirit of continuity and dedication. Instituted by Thiksey Rinpoche in 2016, with His Holiness the Dalai Lama as its first recipient, the honour recognises individuals whose lives embody service, responsibility and commitment to the Tibetan cause. In its citation, Thiksey Monastery praised Taklha’s “integrity, discretion and wisdom” – qualities frequently associated with a man known less for public prominence than for steady reliability and humility.

Born Tenzin Namdhak in Calcutta in 1965, Taklha’s early life mirrored the wider Tibetan exile experience. After spending his infancy in Switzerland and part of his childhood in the United States, he returned to Dharamsala in 1978 and studied at the Tibetan Children’s Village. Though initially struggling with Tibetan language studies, he persevered academically and later graduated from St Stephen’s College, Delhi, in 1988 before pursuing graduate studies in Foreign Service at Georgetown University.

His path soon shifted from academia to direct service. In 1990, Taklha helped coordinate the resettlement of 1,000 Tibetan refugees across sixteen communities in the United States, a role that demanded both organisational skill and human sensitivity. A visit to Tibet in 1993, including a pilgrimage to the Potala Palace in Lhasa, further deepened his commitment to preserving Tibetan identity and serving the Tibetan people in exile.

Decades Beside His Holiness the Dalai Lama

Following professional security training in the United States, he joined the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and became Chief of Security in 1996. Over the years, his responsibilities expanded far beyond protection duties to include coordinating international travel, overseeing logistics and health arrangements, managing audiences, and liaising with governments and hosts around the world. His appointment as Secretary to His Holiness in 2014 further cemented his role as a key figure supporting the daily work and global activities of the Dalai Lama.

Despite the significance of those responsibilities, Taklha has long been known for his understated and self-effacing demeanour. Colleagues and members of the Tibetan community often describe him as warm, approachable and quietly compassionate — someone who carries immense responsibility without seeking attention or recognition.

He has frequently summarised his spiritual outlook in simple terms: “My practice is serving His Holiness the Dalai Lama.” For many who know him, that principle has defined not only his professional life but also his character.

Recognition Beyond Public Acclaim

The recognition at Thiksey Monastery also highlighted the often unseen role played by administrators, caretakers and long-serving custodians within Tibetan institutions. In honouring Taklha, the monastery underscored the idea that the preservation of Tibetan culture, spirituality and community life depends not only on prominent public figures, but also on those who dedicate themselves to careful, patient and often uncelebrated work.

Former Tibetan parliamentarian Pema Chagzoetsang, now based in the United States, also paid tribute to Taklha in a social media post following the announcement.

“Kungo Tenzin Taklha is one of the unsung heroes of our time,” she wrote, describing him as “a man whose humility, integrity and devotion are beyond words.” She praised his decades of service to His Holiness and noted that, despite being a relative of the Dalai Lama, he has always carried himself with humility and deep reverence.

She further described him as “a living example of kindness, compassion and integrity”, adding that his warm and thoughtful presence has touched countless people across generations and communities.

For many in the Tibetan world, the honour at Thiksey was not simply recognition of long service, but acknowledgement of a life defined by humility, loyalty and quiet dedication. In celebrating Tenzin Taklha, the monastery paid tribute to a man whose steady presence has become an enduring part of the living history surrounding His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people in exile.

His wife, Tenzin Dolker, received the award on his behalf during the official ceremony, which was presented by His Eminence The Thiksey Rinpoche at the Thiksey Monastery in Ladakh, as he continues his service alongside His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala, headquarters of the Central Tibetan Administration (Tibet’s government-in-exile).

24 April 2026 | GATPM | London |

On 25 April, Tibetans and supporters around the world will mark the birthday of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima – a spiritual figure who has not been seen in public since May 1995, when he was just six years old. Recognised by the exile-based His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama as the 11th Panchen Lama, his disappearance remains one of the most enduring and troubling cases of enforced disappearance in modern history.

More than three decades on, his fate and whereabouts remain unknown. For Tibetans, this is not only a personal tragedy but a profound assault on religious freedom, identity, and the integrity of Tibetan Buddhism itself.

A Community Remembers in London

In the United Kingdom, members of the Tibetan Community in Britain will gather at the Palyul Centre in Plumstead, south-east London, from 3 pm to 7 pm to commemorate the Panchen Lama’s birthday. The event will bring together community members and supporters for prayers and reflections, with addresses by the Dalai Lama’s Representative based at the Office of Tibet-London, Her Excellency Tsering Yangkey; the community’s Chairman, Phuntsok Norbu; and Tashi Lhunpo UK Trust trustee, Michael Whitewood.

The gathering reflects a broader commitment among Tibetans in exile and their allies to ensure that the Panchen Lama is neither forgotten nor reduced to a footnote in geopolitical discourse. It is also a reminder that, even in exile, Tibetan spiritual traditions continue to be upheld with dignity and resolve.

“His Absence Is a Global Moral Failure”

Tsering Passang, founder-chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, underscored the urgency of continued advocacy:

“The Panchen Lama’s disappearance is not just a Tibetan issue – it is a global moral failure. Each year that passes without answers deepens the injustice. We must keep his story alive and demand accountability. We call on the UK government and the international community to press China to respect the fundamental freedom of religion or belief for the Tibetan people.”

The Wider Stakes for Tibetan Buddhism

The Panchen Lama holds a central role in Tibetan Buddhism, traditionally responsible for recognising the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. His disappearance – and the subsequent imposition by Chinese authorities of a state-appointed alternative – represents a direct intervention in sacred religious processes.

This concern has been powerfully articulated by Ven. Arjia Rinpoche, a senior Tibetan lama who fled Tibet into exile after refusing to legitimise Beijing’s appointed Panchen Lama.

In his memoir, Surviving the Dragon: A Tibetan Lama’s Account of 40 Years Under Chinese Rule, he reflects on the spiritual bond between Tibet’s two highest figures:

“As for the people of Tibet, no matter how politics changed, for them the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama remained the sun and the moon. To this day they believe that the reincarnations of both must be mutually recognised to be valid.”

He further underscores the centrality of spiritual legitimacy over political authority:

“Tibetans clearly wanted the Fourteenth Dalai Lama to be the final arbiter of the identity of the true reincarnation of the Panchen Lama.”

These insights highlight why Beijing’s attempt to control the recognition process is viewed by Tibetans not merely as political interference, but as a profound violation of their faith.

Arjia Rinpoche’s account also sheds light on the intense pressure placed on Tibetan religious leaders to conform to state directives – pressures he ultimately resisted, choosing exile over complicity. His testimony remains one of the most authoritative insider perspectives on the systematic effort to reshape Tibetan Buddhism under Chinese rule.

New Legal Framework: “Ethnic Unity” and Deeper Control

Concerns over religious freedom in Tibet have been further heightened by China’s newly adopted Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress Law, introduced on 12 March 2026 and set to come into force on 1 July 2026.

While framed in the language of cohesion and national unity, key elements of the law point to an expansion of state control over cultural and religious life:

• It emphasises the “Sinicisation” of religion, requiring all faiths to align with state-defined socialist values.
• It promotes the standardisation of language and education, raising concerns about the erosion of Tibetan language and cultural transmission.
• It strengthens mechanisms for surveillance and ideological “guidance” in ethnic minority regions.
• It reinforces the role of the state in regulating religious institutions, including leadership recognition processes.

For Tibetans, this law signals not unity, but the institutionalisation of policies that have long sought to dilute and control their identity. In the context of the Panchen Lama’s disappearance, it deepens fears that future reincarnations – including that of the Dalai Lama – may be subject to even tighter state manipulation.

A Call That Endures

As the Panchen Lama would turn 37 this year, his absence continues to resonate across generations. His story has become emblematic of a broader pattern of repression – one that extends beyond Tibet to other religious and ethnic communities facing systemic restrictions on belief and identity.

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities reiterates its call for:

• Full disclosure of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima’s whereabouts and well-being
• Respect for Tibetans’ right to determine their own religious leaders
• International pressure on China to uphold its obligations under international human rights law

The anniversary is not only a moment of remembrance, but a renewed call to action. Until answers are provided and rights are restored, the Panchen Lama’s story will remain a symbol of unfinished justice – and a test of the international community’s commitment to defending freedom of religion or belief.

Link:

A Stolen Child, A Silenced Voice: The Enforced Disappearance of Tibet’s Panchen Lama

GATPM | 22 April 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, in collaboration with a broad coalition of international civil society and human rights organisations, calls for urgent support of the Falun Gong and Victims of Forced Organ Harvesting Protection Act 2026. We further recognise the leadership of the International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China in advancing this critical advocacy effort.

This bipartisan legislation represents a decisive and necessary step toward addressing the grave and well-documented practice of forced organ harvesting in China, which has affected Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs, and other persecuted communities.

Given the severity and scale of these violations, we urge partners, stakeholders, and members of the public to engage directly with their United States Senators and advocate for swift passage of this legislation. Such action is essential to strengthening accountability, protecting vulnerable populations, and upholding fundamental international human rights standards.

Re: Falun Gong and Victims of Forced Organ Harvesting Protection Act 2026 

Dear Senator,

The undersigned civil society groups and human rights organizations urge you to act on S 4009 the Falun Gong and Victims of Forced Organ Harvesting Protection Act, a bipartisan bill recently introduced by Senator Cruz (R-TX) and Senator Merkley (D-OR) members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 

This bill is a critical piece of legislation that imposes sanctions on those responsible for organ harvesting in China and directs the Secretary of State to report to Congress on the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s organ harvesting policies and transplant system.

It specifically addresses crimes committed against all victims of forced organ harvesting in China including Falun Gong practitioners, Uyghurs and others. 

The legislation would require the President to create an annual report on China’s organ transplant system and maintain a list of foreign persons that the President determines to be involved in forced organ harvesting within China and limit access to visas, passports, and financial transactions for such persons within the United States.

This Act strengthens previous legislative efforts by defining “forced organ harvesting” as the “removal of organs by means of coercion, abduction, deception, fraud, or abuse of power or a position of vulnerability.”  The bill also explicitly broadens protections beyond Falun Gong practitioners to encompass all victims of forced organ harvesting. Crucially, the bill’s bipartisan sponsorship reflects cross-party recognition that this critical human rights issue warrants attention and action by the Senate.

Organ trafficking is a human rights abuse that occurs around the globe. For decades, the CCP has systematically harvested the organs of prisoners of conscience. The victims have been primarily Falun Gong practitioners (a spiritual qigong practice in the Buddhist tradition), though mounting evidence today shows that Uyghurs are also now killed for organs. Since 2015, China’s organ transplantation system has claimed to only source organs from voluntary donors, but evidence demonstrates that this data has been falsified and that claimed legal changes to ban the use of prisoners’ organs have not taken place. A close examination shows that Chinese hospitals have performed at least several times more transplants than even the largest estimates of death row prisoners can account for.

The China Tribunal, an independent, international people’s tribunal chaired by Sir Geoffrey Nice KC, lead prosecutor of Slobodan Milosevic at the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, concluded “unanimously, and beyond reasonable doubt – that in China forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience has been practiced for a substantial period of time involving a very substantial number of victims.” The China Tribunal’s judgment presents the first-ever independent legal analysis of all available evidence regarding forced organ harvesting from prisoners of conscience in China. After reviewing multiple lines of evidence over twelve months and conducting public hearings, the China Tribunal concluded that state-sanctioned forced organ harvesting of Falun Gong practitioners in China amounts to crimes against humanity.

In 2021, a joint correspondence issued by nine UN Special Rapporteurs called on China to “promptly respond to the allegations of ‘organ harvesting’ and to allow independent monitoring by international human rights mechanisms.” In 2022, the European Parliament passed a resolution on reports of continued organ harvesting in China and laws have been passed in the UK and Canada. The International Society for Heart and Lung Transplantation (ISHLT) introduced a policy banning surgeons from China from presenting at ISHLT conferences and publishing in their journal. In addition, international law firm Global Rights Compliance published a legal advisory report and policy guidance that outlines the complicity risks of interacting with China in relation to organ transplantation medicine, research and training.

In November, 2025, the Inter-parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC), an international cross-party network of legislators from over 30 countries, with more than 250 members, adopted a Statement of Legislative Intent, pledging to advance national legislation to prohibit and prevent forced organ harvesting and organ trafficking.  

We urge you to support the Falun Gong and Victims of Forced Organ Harvesting Protection Act so the Senate can send a bipartisan, unified message to China and the world that the United States is combating the heinous practice of forced organ harvesting and ensuring that U.S.-based businesses, universities, hospitals, and citizens are not unknowingly entangled in these unethical and criminal activities.

Thank you for your leadership and for swiftly considering this important legislation.

Respectfully,

Susie Hughes
Executive Director
International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China (ETAC)

Dr. Stephen Bronner
President & Executive Director
American Council for Justice and Conflict Resolution

Rushan Abbas
Founder & Executive Director
Campaign for Uyghurs

Abdulhakim Idris
Executive Director
Centre for Uyghur Studies

Yumna Rizvi
Senior Policy Analyst
Center for Victims of Torture

Dr. Bob Fu
Founder & President
China Aid

Tanja Zondervan-Will
Founder
China Alarm

Wendy Wright
President
Christian Freedom International

Dr. Jianli Yang
Founder and President
Citizen Power Initiatives for China

Thierry Valle
Director
Coordination des Assciations et des Particuliers pour la Liberté de Conscience

Dr. Torsten Trey
Executive Director
Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting

Levi Browde
Executive Director
Falun Dafa Information Center

Cynthia Sun
Senior Researcher
Falun Dafa Information Center: First Freedom Foundation

Benedict Rogers
Senior Director
Fortify Rights

Joanna Ewart-James
Executive Director
Freedom United

Alan Adler
Executive Director
Friends of Falun Gong USA

Dr. Gregory Stanton
President
Genocide Watch

Tsering Passang
Founder & Chair
Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities

Aris Tsilfidis
Founder
Greek Genocide Resource Center

Sarah Teich
Co-founder & CEO
Human Rights Action Group

Dr. Terri Marsh
Executive Director and Senior Litigation partner
Human Rights Law Foundation

Peter Ebertz
Chairman
International Society for Human Rights – Sweden

Eleonora Mongelli
Vice President, Italian Federation for Human Rights (FIDU)
Italian Federation for Human Rights (FIDU)

Hena Zuberi
Director of Advocacy
Justice For All

Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett
President
Lantos Foundation for Human Rights and Justice

Dr. William Clark
Program Director
Peace Catalyst International

Peter Tatchell
CEO
Peter Tatchell Foundation

Hon. Irwin Cotler
Founder and International Chair
Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights

Emily Huang
DMD – President, Students for Falun Gong
Students for Falun Gong

Kristina Olney
Executive Director
The Remembrance Society

Dr. Rishat Abbas
President
Uyghur Academy International

Misran Dolan
President
Uyghur American Association

Dolkun Isa
President
Uyghur Center for Democracy and Human Rights

Omer Kanat
Executive Director
Uyghur Human Rights Project

Dr. Adrian Zenz
Senior Fellow and Director of China Studies
Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation

Dr. Ellen J. Kennedy, Ph.D.
Executive Director
World Without Genocide

Useful Links

https://trackbill.com/bill/us-congress-senate-bill-4009-a-bill-to-provide-for-the-imposition-of-sanctions-with-respect-to-forced-organ-harvesting-within-the-peoples-republic-of-china-and-for-other-purposes/2828441/

https://www.cruz.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/sens-cruz-merkley-introduce-bipartisan-bill-to-hold-china-accountable-for-organ-harvesting-and-human-rights-violations

https://www.ipac.global/

June 2026 will bring a rare and meaningful cultural moment to the United Kingdom as the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA) returns for a landmark tour hosted by Tibet House Trust. From 1–9 June, a 26-member troupe will share the richness of Tibetan artistic traditions through performances of Ache Lhamo (traditional Tibetan opera), music, dance, and theatre – offering audiences a vibrant window into one of the world’s most enduring cultural legacies.

Founded in 1959 under the guidance of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, TIPA stands as the foremost institution dedicated to preserving Tibetan performing arts in exile. Based in Dharamsala, headquarters of Tibet’s government-in-exile in northern India, it has safeguarded centuries-old traditions that embody values of compassion, non-violence, and harmony with nature. These traditions, recognised as part of the world’s intangible cultural heritage, continue to resonate deeply in today’s increasingly complex global landscape.

This upcoming visit is especially significant. It marks the first TIPA tour to the UK in over two decades and coincides with the 90th birthday year of His Holiness the Dalai Lama – celebrated as the “Year of Compassion” by the Central Tibetan Administration. The timing lends the tour an added sense of reflection and celebration, highlighting the enduring relevance of Tibetan culture and its message of universal responsibility.

TIPA’s connection with the UK stretches back nearly four decades. In 1988, the troupe first toured UK at the invitation of the Tibet Foundation, introducing audiences to Tibetan opera and performance traditions at a time when such cultural exchanges were rare. They returned in 2004, invited by the Asian Music Circuit (AMC), where they performed the Tibetan Lhamo Opera Sugkyi Nyima to great acclaim. That same tour included a memorable performance at Conway Hall in central London, hosted by the Tibet Foundation, as well as an appearance at the Tibetan Peace Garden within the grounds of the Imperial War Museum – symbolically linking Tibetan culture with themes of peace and remembrance.

London Performance at Woolwich Work – Friday, 5 June 2026

The 2026 programme continues this legacy while reaching new audiences. One of the most anticipated highlights will be the London performance on Friday, 5 June 2026 – the only main public performance in the capital. Particularly noteworthy is the inclusion of a performance at Woolwich Works in the Royal Arsenal, located in the Royal Borough of Greenwich. This borough is home to the largest Tibetan community within a single borough in the UK, making it a deeply fitting setting. The Royal Borough of Greenwich has long demonstrated solidarity with the Tibetan people, including the annual raising of the Tibetan flag at the Town Hall, Woolwich – a gesture that reflects enduring support and shared values.

In keeping with the spirit of cultural exchange, organisers of the ‘Spirit of Tibet’ tour said that TIPA will not charge performance fees, underscoring the intention to share rather than commercialise this artistic heritage. At a time marked by global uncertainty, these performances offer more than artistic enjoyment – they provide a space for reflection on compassion, resilience, and our shared humanity.

TIPA’s return is not just a cultural event; it is a reaffirmation of the importance of preserving and celebrating diverse traditions. For UK audiences, it is a rare opportunity to witness an ancient art form that continues to speak powerfully to the present moment.

Tsering Passang, former Art & Culture Programme Manager at the Tibet Foundation and current Chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, who was involved in hosting TIPA’s performance in London in 2004, said:

“We warmly welcome the return of the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts, the premier cultural institution of the Tibetan people. Its work embodies not only artistic excellence but also a powerful form of cultural diplomacy. At a time when compassion and understanding are urgently needed, these performances serve as a timely reminder of the values that unite us across cultures. Having witnessed their impact in London in 2004, I am deeply encouraged to see them return, bringing with them a living tradition that continues to inspire resilience, dialogue, and hope.”

Tsering Passang

On the evening of Sunday, 29th March 2026, I attended the screening of Milarepa at the Tramshed Theatre in Woolwich, London – an event that proved to be as culturally meaningful as it was personally clarifying. Not long ago, I was part of organising an important Tibet event at this same venue.

When my good friend Tenzin Dakpa – proprietor of Kailash Momo Restaurant, who, in association with Chhong Sherpa of Iro Sushi Ltd., jointly sponsored the community screening and hosted the dinner reception that followed – invited me, I initially told him I was considering attending in protest. When he asked why, it became clear that he was entirely unaware of Mr Buddhi Tamang’s public use of the term “Xizang” on his social platforms.

In fact, upon first discovering this, I had already challenged the use of the term directly on his Facebook page. My concern was immediate and principled. Language is never neutral in such contexts, and silence would have implied acceptance.

My intention in attending was never to disrupt the event. It was to take a clear and principled stand – while remaining open to dialogue.

This was not unfamiliar ground. During 2024–2025, I took a firm and sustained position with the British Museum against the use of the term “Xizang” in its international Silk Roads exhibition – an effort that contributed to the withdrawal of that terminology in the final weeks. That experience reinforced a simple but enduring truth: language matters, and it can – and must – be challenged.

Yet on this occasion, I chose a more direct and personal course: to engage.

I attended the screening carrying with me a letter addressed to Mr Buddhi Tamang, which I hand-delivered to him. Alongside it, I offered a copy of Voice for the Voiceless book authored by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama – a work that speaks to truth, moral courage, and the responsibility of voice. As a gesture of personal respect for his artistic contribution, I also offered him a traditional white scarf (khata).

These gestures were intentional. They reflected both appreciation and responsibility – respect for the artist, alongside clarity of concern.

What followed was a respectful, candid, and necessary conversation. To his credit, Mr Buddhi Tamang engaged with openness and humility. It is precisely because of my admiration for him that this reflection must remain both measured and unequivocal.

First, the artistic achievement of Milarepa deserves clear and unqualified recognition.

Originally staged in Nepal as an ambitious theatrical production involving 54 artists, Milarepa was widely acclaimed for its scale, depth, and spiritual authenticity. Bringing such a production to international audiences in its original form would have been logistically and financially unfeasible. In response, the Aldershot-based Buddhist Community Centre UK (BCCUK) commissioned an innovative adaptation: the entire play was filmed on a constructed set in a single continuous production, later shaped into a nearly two-hour cinematic work.

The result is a remarkable achievement – disciplined, immersive, and spiritually resonant. It communicates the Buddha’s core teachings through the lived experience of the 11th-century Tibetan saint Milarepa with clarity and emotional force. Crucially, it does so while consistently and correctly using the term “Tibet.”

This matters. It stands in stark contrast to a separate and deeply concerning reality that cannot be overlooked.

Mr Buddhi Tamang’s recent participation in a Chinese government-sponsored visit to China and Tibet – alongside other public figures from multiple countries – must be understood within its proper context. These are not neutral cultural exchanges. They are curated environments shaped by state-backed interests, often involving controlled narratives, guided exposure, and high-level hospitality – including five-star accommodation and carefully managed cultural presentation.

It is within this setting that images and video clips emerged – captured and disseminated by Chinese government-linked entities – featuring the use of the term “Xizang.”

This is not incidental. Nor is it neutral.

“Xizang” is a politically constructed term embedded within a broader state narrative that many Tibetans experience as an attempt to reframe, diminish, or erase their historical identity. When such terminology is repeated or amplified by respected international figures – regardless of personal intent – it carries weight and consequence.

Intent, in such circumstances, is not sufficient.

Following our in-person cordial discussion, I also took the step of reinforcing these concerns in writing the following day – ensuring that the message was clear, considered, and documented.

During the evening, I also held constructive discussions with leaders of BCCUK. It is to their credit that, despite hosting Mr Buddhi Tamang as a guest from Nepal, they have not adopted or used the term “Xizang” in any of their communications or programming. This reflects both awareness and principled restraint.

I hold long-standing respect for BCCUK’s work. During my time as Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain (2014–2016), I worked closely with them, including during the visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Aldershot in June 2015. That history of cooperation makes their continued clarity on this issue all the more meaningful.

At the same time, a broader pattern is becoming increasingly visible in the UK – one that warrants careful attention.

Chinese state-linked actors have, in recent years, intensified their outreach to Buddhist communities, extending invitations to cultural and religious conferences in China, frequently accompanied by fully sponsored travel, hospitality, and curated experiences. These initiatives are presented as cultural exchange, but function as instruments of soft influence – subtle, strategic, and cumulative.

This is the environment in which terminology like “Xizang” is introduced, repeated, and normalised.

And this is precisely why clarity – and courage – are required.

As an advocate, I state this plainly: the use of “Xizang” by influential public figures must stop.

As an admirer of Mr Buddhi Tamang for many years, I say this with equal sincerity: his voice matters, and so do his choices. His work in Milarepa reflects a deep respect for truth, history, and cultural authenticity. That same standard must extend beyond artistic performance into public expression.

We cannot uphold authenticity in art while permitting distortion in language.

The relationship between Nepal and Tibet is not incidental – it is civilisational. It is rooted in shared spiritual heritage, centuries of exchange, and enduring cultural bonds. That legacy carries weight, and it demands care.

Choosing to use “Tibet” is not an act of defiance. It is an act of accuracy. Of integrity. Of respect.

This is not a call for disengagement. It is a call for awareness, consistency, and responsibility.

At the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, we believe in engagement – but not at the expense of truth. Dialogue – but not dilution. Respect – but never silence.

The evening at Tramshed Theatre, followed by continued conversation over dinner at Kailash Momo Restaurant, reinforced a vital lesson: advocacy is not only about protest. It is about presence. About drawing clear lines – calmly, firmly, and without compromise.

Milarepa reminds us that transformation begins within. But in today’s world, integrity must also be visible – expressed through the words we choose, the narratives we affirm, and the positions we are willing to take.

There remains an opportunity here – for alignment between artistic truth and public voice.

It is an opportunity that should be recognised – and taken.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder and chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | 29 March 2026 |

Following my recent participation in the conference “DISSENT! Museums and Political Disagreement in a Time of Culture Wars and Conflict” at the University of Manchester, from 25–26 March 2026, I have been reflecting on both the discussions we had and the wider implications for Tibet and other marginalised histories.

Shortly after the roundtable, Dr Emma Martin, an organiser of the conference, wrote to me: “Thank you so much for joining the panel yesterday. Your work drew a lot of conversation and people attending the conference were really inspired by the discussion. I look forward to continuing these discussions in the coming months.”

That message captures something important. This was not just an academic gathering – it was a space where ideas translated into urgency, and where museum practice was openly questioned.

Museums Are No Longer Neutral

The conference brought together a wide range of voices – scholars, curators, artists, activists, and researchers working across Tibet, Palestine, Iran, India, Australia, Bangladesh, and beyond. As Bhanu Ghalot, a Chevening Scholar and practice-based researcher from Delhi, reflected:

“Loved hearing perspectives on museum and heritage projects and practices from Palestine, Tibet, Bangladesh, Iran, and more, so many voices we don’t always get to hear.

We talk so often about building knowledge for the practices of the Global South, but too often the messiness, tensions, and contradictions of these perspectives and practices get left out. This conference really leaned into that messiness, staying true to the theme of dissent and highlighting unconventional approaches, contested histories, and the critical tensions that shape museum and heritage work today.”

Her reflection speaks directly to what made the conference distinctive: it did not attempt to simplify or smooth over disagreement. Instead, it created space for complexity – and for voices that are often marginalised within institutional narratives.

For communities like Tibetans, who do not have equal access to global platforms, these spaces matter profoundly.

The Tibet Roundtable: From Theory to Practice

The Tibet roundtable, chaired by Dr Emma Martin, brought together:
– Dr Dawa Lokyitsang, International Institute for Asian Studies of Leiden University, The Netherlands
– Tenzin Namgyal (Tenam), International Tibet Network from Paris (online)
– and myself (online)

What stood out was how quickly the discussion moved beyond theory into lived and ongoing struggles.

Cultural Anthropologist Dr. Dawa Lokyitsang grounded the conversation in scholarly responsibility with her personal background as a Tibetan.

Tenam brought urgency through activism – particularly by highlighting the ongoing legal challenge involving the Guimet Museum in Paris, where the use of the term “Xizang” is being contested.

This is significant. It shows that the issue of naming Tibet is not isolated to one institution – it is systemic and transnational.

The Expanding Digital Dimension

The conference also pushed these questions beyond physical museum spaces into the digital realm. As Isabella Salsano, a legal scholar working on international law and cultural heritage, observed:

“Very glad to have kicked it off by speaking at the international conference – “DISSENT! Museums and Political Disagreement in a Time of Culture Wars and Conflict” at The University of Manchester.

My presentation looked at how algorithmic systems are increasingly shaping what becomes visible, sayable, and ultimately remembered in digital museum spaces. What might seem like a technical layer actually has significant implications for international law and human rights: when visibility is governed by opaque systems, certain narratives risk being pushed to the margins. This becomes especially delicate when we think about colonial collections, indigenous heritage, or the cultural expressions of communities living through occupation or conflict.

In these contexts, algorithmic mediation can inadvertently (or not…) reinforce existing asymmetries, raising questions that international cultural heritage law has only just begun to confront.

It also made me reflect on how international law and human rights are still catching up with all of this. We have strong frameworks to protect heritage and, to some extent, expression; but much less clarity when it comes to visibility, digital memory, and the quieter forms of exclusion that happen online.”

Her intervention is especially relevant to the Tibetan case. The politics of naming does not only unfold in gallery labels or exhibition texts; it is increasingly embedded in search systems, metadata, and digital archives.

In this sense, the issue is no longer just what museums say – but what is made visible, searchable, and retrievable in the first place.

My Intervention: The Politics of Naming Tibet

In my own contribution, I focused on a simple but urgent issue: how Tibet is being named in major institutions.

At the British Museum, Tibetan objects in the Silk Roads exhibition (Sept 2024 – Feb 2025) were labelled: “Tibet or Xizang Autonomous Region, China”.

The British Museum presented this as balanced. But from a Tibetan perspective, it is not.

“Xizang” is not a neutral term. It is a state-imposed designation, promoted by the Chinese government. Tibet was invaded by the People’s Republic of China in 1950, and the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) was established in 1965 after Beijing took full control of the Tibetan Buddhist nation. Its increasing use internationally, especially since Xi Jinping took office in Beijing, reflects power, not scholarly agreement.

For Tibetans, this is not semantics.
It is something much deeper: a gradual erasure of identity through language.

What I wanted to emphasise is this: terminology does not simply describe reality – it helps construct it.

Advocacy Can Work – But It Takes Pressure

Our response, through the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, was deliberate and sustained.

We engaged the institution through formal correspondence, Freedom of Information requests, and continued advocacy.

In the final weeks of the exhibition, the term “Xizang” was withdrawn.

But it also raises a harder question: how did such terminology enter museum practice in the first place?

The Harder Question: Influence Without Instruction

One of the most important discussions was about power operating indirectly. I described this as anticipatory compliance.

Institutions do not always need to be told what to do.

This creates a quiet alignment with powerful actors.

Reclaiming Tibetan History: A Different Outcome

Alongside these challenges, I also shared a more positive example.

Through our engagement with Bonhams, the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities was able to secure the withdrawal of a historically significant 1947 correspondence between the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan Regent, and Sir Basil Gould.

These documents – from a time when Tibet was not under Chinese occupation – could easily have disappeared into private collections or state-linked archives.

Instead, they were repatriated to the Tibet Museum in Dharamsala, northern India, the seat of Tibet’s government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration. Their return has already sparked meaningful discussion beyond the Tibetan community. Notably, Sir Basil Gould’s granddaughter, Mrs. France C. Cutler, is set to attend as a Special Guest at the Frontier Diplomacy: Britain, Tibet and Sir Basil Gould event hosted by the Tibet Museum in early April, alongside Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the Central Tibetan Administration, who will serve as Chief Guest.

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities encouraged Sir Basil Gould’s family to donate these documents to the Tibet Museum to coincide with the 90th birthday of the 14th Dalai Lama as well as to visit Dharamsala to meet with the Tibetan spiritual leader – a moment designated by the Central Tibetan Administration as a Year of Compassion.

For us, this was not simply about preservation.

It was about historical evidential value – ensuring that Tibet’s past remains accessible and interpretable beyond state control.

Because ultimately, where history is held shapes how history is told.

What Museums Must Now Confront

Reflecting on the discussions in Manchester, I believe there are clear actions museums must take:
– Use historically grounded terminology, not politically expedient language
– Engage affected communities as participants, not afterthoughts
– Ensure transparency in funding and partnerships
– Recognise indirect forms of influence, not just explicit interference

Neutrality is often presented as the goal.

But in unequal contexts, neutrality can reinforce the status quo.

Final Reflection

The conference made one thing clear to me:

We are living in a time where museums are no longer just about preserving the past – they are actively shaping the political realities of the present.

For Tibetans, this is deeply personal.

When the name “Tibet” is replaced, diluted, or qualified, something more than language is at stake.

It is about whether a people can still be recognised on their own terms.

But there is also reason for cautious optimism:
– the removal of “Xizang” from a major institution
– the legal challenge in Paris
– the recovery of Tibetan historical documents
– and the growing presence of Tibetan voices in these spaces

These are signs of movement.

The question now is not whether museums are neutral.

It is this: Will they remain aware of the power they hold – and the histories they may be reshaping?

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder and chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | 25 March 2025 |

The passing of Kyabje Chime Rinpoche on 24 March 2026 at University College London Hospital marks the departure of a foundational figure in the history of Tibetan Buddhism in the United Kingdom. As one of the first Tibetan lamas to settle in England, Rinpoche served for decades as a living bridge between the ancient lineages of the Kham region and the first generation of Western seekers who encountered the Dharma in the 1960s. For many of those seekers, their first encounter with an authentic Tibetan teacher was through Chime Rinpoche himself.

The news was first shared by the Aldershot-based Buddhist Community Centre UK on social media. Its President, Ang Dawa Sherpa, stated:

“With deep sadness, we share the passing of Lama Chime Rinpoche, a highly respected Tibetan Buddhist master who greatly contributed to the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in the UK. He founded Marpa House, guided BCCUK from its early days, and served as a teacher and curator of the British Library’s Tibetan collection. May his teachings continue to inspire us all. Om Ami Dewa Rhi (108).”

The Tibetan Community in Britain also paid tribute, noting that Rinpoche was a deeply respected and active member who played a vital role in the community’s development over many decades, offering guidance, leadership, and unwavering support. The community extended heartfelt condolences to his family, students, and all those touched by his life and teachings.

His life also represented a vanishing link to a Tibet that existed before the profound political upheavals of the mid-twentieth century. As a Tibetan senior who was born into a world in which Tibet was still free – before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China on 1 October 1949, and before the subsequent occupation – his passing marks not only the loss of a great teacher, but the further fading of direct human memory of that earlier era. In this sense, his life forms part of a longer historical continuum that also includes Britain’s own early twentieth-century engagement with Tibet, such as the 1913 government scholarship programme that brought four Tibetan students – later known as the “Rugby Boys” – to the United Kingdom, and the presence of Sir Basil Gould, who represented the British Government at the enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama in Lhasa in 1940. Rinpoche’s life, therefore, stands within a broader tapestry of cultural and historical connections between Tibet and Britain.

Early Life and Lineage

Born in 1941 near Jyekundo in eastern Tibet, Rinpoche was a descendant of the Radha family, the chieftains who originally donated the land upon which Benchen Monastery was built in the fourteenth century, in an act of devotion to the 4th Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche. Recognised at the age of two as the ninth incarnation of Chime Youngdong of Benchen Monastery, he received a complete traditional education, earning the degrees of Khenpo (Master of Studies), Kyorpon (Shrine Ritual Master), and Dorje Lobpon (Vajra Master). He also completed the full three-year, three-month solitary retreat of the Kagyü Karmapa lineage.

His training came from great masters. Both Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche and the 9th Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche were his maternal uncles as well as his root gurus. From Sangye Nyenpa, he received the complete transmission of Mahamudra, and from Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche the complete transmission of Dzogchen. He also received direct instructions on the nature of mind from the master Khenpo Gangshar. These transmissions would later form the heart of his own teaching, a union of Mahamudra and Dzogchen conveyed with great simplicity and clarity.

Following the 1959 national uprising, Rinpoche fled Tibet via Bhutan to India, travelling alongside his root gurus and maternal uncles. In India, he attended the Young Lamas Home School, established in close collaboration with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the remarkable English-born Buddhist nun and social reformer Freda Bedi, who was instrumental in educating young Tibetan tulkus and preparing them for life and teaching in the wider world. Her work at this critical juncture ensured that the continuity of the lineage was not lost during the challenging period of exile. Rinpoche’s time in India, where he also began to learn English, equipped him for the entirely new mission that awaited him in the West.

The Buddhist Society and the Meeting with Bowie

In 1965, Rinpoche arrived in England and became associated with the Buddhist Society in London, where he served as a point of contact for curious young Londoners seeking to understand the Dharma. He encountered a teenage David Jones before he became David Bowie. Bowie vividly recalled the meeting with the Tibetan spiritual figure in a 2001 interview:

“One day, I walked into the office, and it was empty. I went down the stairs and saw a man in saffron robes. He said, in very broken English, ‘You are looking for me.’ I realised years later that it was a question, but as a 16-year-old, I took it as a statement, ‘You are looking for me.’”

For several months, Rinpoche served as Bowie’s teacher and friend. When the young musician expressed a desire to ordain as a monk, Rinpoche gave him counsel that would, in retrospect, shape popular music history: “You don’t want to be Buddhist… You should follow music.” Bowie paid tribute to his teacher on his 1967 debut album in the song “Silly Boy Blue,” written as an homage to his teacher and to the Tibetan Buddhist world Rinpoche had carried with him into exile. Tony Visconti later invited Rinpoche to advise on Bowie’s idea of staging a rock concert at the Potala Palace in Lhasa whilst recording Scary Monsters (And Super Creeps) in 1980. Nothing materialised, but the warmth and mutual imaginative trust behind the idea is itself telling.

There is a live version of Bowie performed in 2001 at the New York-based Tibet House Benefit Concert in Carnegie Hall with Philip Glass on piano:

A Life of Service

Rinpoche’s approach to the Dharma was pragmatic. Choosing the life of a lay teacher, he married and raised a family whilst maintaining his responsibilities as a lineage holder. From 1973 to 1989, he served as Curator of the Tibetan Language Collection at the British Library, where he was instrumental in safeguarding and cataloguing thousands of rare manuscripts for future generations of scholars, ensuring that the literary heritage of Tibet survived not only as a monastic memory but within a great institutional archive.

In 1973, he established Kham Tibetan House in Ashdon, Essex, later renamed Marpa House, the first Tibetan Buddhist retreat centre in England. Over the following decades, Marpa House became a sanctuary for the transmission of Mahamudra and Dzogchen teachings. His Holiness the 16th Karmapa visited and gave Milarepa empowerments on his 1974–75 and 1977 European tours. Shechen Rabjam Rinpoche has also taught there, maintaining a living connection to the lineage from which Rinpoche himself had received his formation. It was during the 16th Karmapa’s 1975 visit that Rinpoche was formally recognised and installed as the Radha Tulku, one of the four principal incarnate lamas of Benchen Monastery.

Community and Legacy

Within the broader Tibetan diaspora, Rinpoche was a pillar of cultural continuity. He served as the first chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain (1970–71) and was a generous patron of the Tibetan Community Dance Group, recognising that cultural expression through music and performance was as essential to identity in exile as prayer. He extended his patronage to the Tibet Society and the Buddhist Society, quietly supporting institutions that have served both spiritual seekers and the Tibetan cause for generations. He also served as President of the Tibetan Terrier Association, reflecting a commitment to preserving Tibetan life in all its dimensions.

Among his most enduring contributions was his formation of a community of lay students whom he authorised to carry on his teaching work, demonstrating that the Dharma could take root not only in monasteries but in ordinary professional and family life. Those who knew him remember a teacher of remarkable depth and authenticity, yet also of great warmth, humility, and gentle humour – a man whose “21st-century anecdotes” made the most timeless truths feel immediate and alive.

Kyabje Chime Rinpoche stands as a giant of the first generation of Tibetan lamas in the West. He was a master who showed that the essence of the Dharma is not found in titles or exoticism, but in the warmth of the heart and the clarity of the ordinary mind.

May his swift rebirth continue to benefit all sentient beings. Om Mani Padme Hum.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and former Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain. Tsering’s personal blog: www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | GATPM |

On Thursday, 19 March, I had the privilege of attending a timely and impactful meeting at Amnesty International UK’s office in London, convened by Benedict Rogers of Fortify Rights and hosted by Amnesty International UK’s Hong Kong Desk. The gathering brought together activists and representatives from Tibet, Burma, Hong Kong, and other affected communities – including Falun Gong practitioners and pro-democracy advocates from mainland China – by a shared commitment to human rights, freedom, and justice.

At a time of rising authoritarianism – where regimes are increasingly coordinated, emboldened, and willing to curtail fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression – the importance of strengthening alliances across our movements cannot be overstated. This meeting was a powerful example of that shared resolve.

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Sasa for his powerful insights and steadfast leadership, and I look forward to remaining in close contact as we continue this vital work together.

Dr. Sasa’s journey is both remarkable and deeply inspiring. Born in a remote village in Chin State, he rose from humble beginnings marked by hardship and systemic neglect to become a medical doctor, humanitarian leader, and one of Burma’s most prominent voices for democracy. He went on to serve as Myanmar’s Special Envoy to the United Nations, as well as Union Minister for International Cooperation and Spokesperson for the National Unity Government (NUG) – the legitimate, democratically elected government of Myanmar.

In these roles, he became a leading international advocate for the Burmese people following the military coup, mobilising global support and exposing the atrocities committed by the junta. In December 2025, as part of broader reforms within the NUG, he transitioned from his ministerial role to launch new initiatives under a “People’s Platforms” framework, including the Institute of Peace and Federal Democracy (IPFD).

Reflecting on this transition, Dr. Sasa stated: “Serving the courageous people of Myanmar during the darkest period in our modern history has been the greatest honour of my life… Though this chapter closes, my commitment to our nation continues with even greater purpose.”

He further emphasised: “It is not a departure from our shared struggle, but a continuation of it in a new capacity.”

At the centre of our discussion was his ongoing effort to build coordinated international support. Currently in the UK, Dr. Sasa is engaging parliamentarians, government officials, and key stakeholders to strengthen cooperation in support of Burma’s democratic future.

The discussion itself was both sobering and galvanising. We heard stark accounts of realities on the ground: over 300 churches destroyed, widespread denial of fundamental freedoms, and a sham electoral process rejected by 95% of respondents in a recent survey. The scale of external influence – particularly from China, which supplies over 55% of the arms used by the military junta – underscores the geopolitical complexity and urgency of the crisis.

Dr. Sasa spoke with clarity and conviction about what is at stake:

“If Burma doesn’t become a fully democratic country, there will be no more Burma.”

He also issued a powerful call for unity: “Together – one voice, one mission, one future – we must stand united against Min Aung Hlaing and his unlawful junta.”

Crucially, he reminded us of the enduring spirit of the Burmese people and the necessity of unwavering commitment: “I will not rest until the people of Myanmar are free. We must never give up.”

He emphasised that the struggle in Burma is not isolated, but deeply interconnected with the experiences of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hongkongers, and pro-democracy advocates from mainland China – all facing repression under authoritarian regimes. His message was clear: greater cooperation, coordination, and solidarity across these movements is essential to challenge impunity and uphold the aspirations of oppressed peoples.

Underscoring the need for accountability, he stated: “Perpetrators must not be allowed to travel freely.”

Western governments, including the UK and the US, have a critical responsibility to ensure that those responsible for atrocities are held accountable, while meaningfully supporting the democratic will of the Burmese people.

Through the Institute of Peace and Federal Democracy, Dr. Sasa continues to advance a vision rooted in inclusive governance, respect for diversity, and bottom-up federalism – amplifying the voices of Myanmar’s many communities and accelerating the path toward a genuine federal democracy.

This meeting served as a powerful reminder that the fight for freedom, justice, and human dignity transcends borders. In the face of growing authoritarian coordination, our response must be equally united, strategic, and sustained.