Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM)

Tsering Passang

On the evening of Sunday, 29th March 2026, I attended the screening of Milarepa at the Tramshed Theatre in Woolwich, London – an event that proved to be as culturally meaningful as it was personally clarifying. Not long ago, I was part of organising an important Tibet event at this same venue.

When my good friend Tenzin Dakpa – proprietor of Kailash Momo Restaurant, who, in association with Chhong Sherpa of Iro Sushi Ltd., jointly sponsored the community screening and hosted the dinner reception that followed – invited me, I initially told him I was considering attending in protest. When he asked why, it became clear that he was entirely unaware of Mr Buddhi Tamang’s public use of the term “Xizang” on his social platforms.

In fact, upon first discovering this, I had already challenged the use of the term directly on his Facebook page. My concern was immediate and principled. Language is never neutral in such contexts, and silence would have implied acceptance.

My intention in attending was never to disrupt the event. It was to take a clear and principled stand – while remaining open to dialogue.

This was not unfamiliar ground. During 2024–2025, I took a firm and sustained position with the British Museum against the use of the term “Xizang” in its international Silk Roads exhibition – an effort that contributed to the withdrawal of that terminology in the final weeks. That experience reinforced a simple but enduring truth: language matters, and it can – and must – be challenged.

Yet on this occasion, I chose a more direct and personal course: to engage.

I attended the screening carrying with me a letter addressed to Mr Buddhi Tamang, which I hand-delivered to him. Alongside it, I offered a copy of Voice for the Voiceless book authored by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama – a work that speaks to truth, moral courage, and the responsibility of voice. As a gesture of personal respect for his artistic contribution, I also offered him a traditional white scarf (khata).

These gestures were intentional. They reflected both appreciation and responsibility – respect for the artist, alongside clarity of concern.

What followed was a respectful, candid, and necessary conversation. To his credit, Mr Buddhi Tamang engaged with openness and humility. It is precisely because of my admiration for him that this reflection must remain both measured and unequivocal.

First, the artistic achievement of Milarepa deserves clear and unqualified recognition.

Originally staged in Nepal as an ambitious theatrical production involving 54 artists, Milarepa was widely acclaimed for its scale, depth, and spiritual authenticity. Bringing such a production to international audiences in its original form would have been logistically and financially unfeasible. In response, the Aldershot-based Buddhist Community Centre UK (BCCUK) commissioned an innovative adaptation: the entire play was filmed on a constructed set in a single continuous production, later shaped into a nearly two-hour cinematic work.

The result is a remarkable achievement – disciplined, immersive, and spiritually resonant. It communicates the Buddha’s core teachings through the lived experience of the 11th-century Tibetan saint Milarepa with clarity and emotional force. Crucially, it does so while consistently and correctly using the term “Tibet.”

This matters. It stands in stark contrast to a separate and deeply concerning reality that cannot be overlooked.

Mr Buddhi Tamang’s recent participation in a Chinese government-sponsored visit to China and Tibet – alongside other public figures from multiple countries – must be understood within its proper context. These are not neutral cultural exchanges. They are curated environments shaped by state-backed interests, often involving controlled narratives, guided exposure, and high-level hospitality – including five-star accommodation and carefully managed cultural presentation.

It is within this setting that images and video clips emerged – captured and disseminated by Chinese government-linked entities – featuring the use of the term “Xizang.”

This is not incidental. Nor is it neutral.

“Xizang” is a politically constructed term embedded within a broader state narrative that many Tibetans experience as an attempt to reframe, diminish, or erase their historical identity. When such terminology is repeated or amplified by respected international figures – regardless of personal intent – it carries weight and consequence.

Intent, in such circumstances, is not sufficient.

Following our in-person cordial discussion, I also took the step of reinforcing these concerns in writing the following day – ensuring that the message was clear, considered, and documented.

During the evening, I also held constructive discussions with leaders of BCCUK. It is to their credit that, despite hosting Mr Buddhi Tamang as a guest from Nepal, they have not adopted or used the term “Xizang” in any of their communications or programming. This reflects both awareness and principled restraint.

I hold long-standing respect for BCCUK’s work. During my time as Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain (2014–2016), I worked closely with them, including during the visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Aldershot in June 2015. That history of cooperation makes their continued clarity on this issue all the more meaningful.

At the same time, a broader pattern is becoming increasingly visible in the UK – one that warrants careful attention.

Chinese state-linked actors have, in recent years, intensified their outreach to Buddhist communities, extending invitations to cultural and religious conferences in China, frequently accompanied by fully sponsored travel, hospitality, and curated experiences. These initiatives are presented as cultural exchange, but function as instruments of soft influence – subtle, strategic, and cumulative.

This is the environment in which terminology like “Xizang” is introduced, repeated, and normalised.

And this is precisely why clarity – and courage – are required.

As an advocate, I state this plainly: the use of “Xizang” by influential public figures must stop.

As an admirer of Mr Buddhi Tamang for many years, I say this with equal sincerity: his voice matters, and so do his choices. His work in Milarepa reflects a deep respect for truth, history, and cultural authenticity. That same standard must extend beyond artistic performance into public expression.

We cannot uphold authenticity in art while permitting distortion in language.

The relationship between Nepal and Tibet is not incidental – it is civilisational. It is rooted in shared spiritual heritage, centuries of exchange, and enduring cultural bonds. That legacy carries weight, and it demands care.

Choosing to use “Tibet” is not an act of defiance. It is an act of accuracy. Of integrity. Of respect.

This is not a call for disengagement. It is a call for awareness, consistency, and responsibility.

At the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, we believe in engagement – but not at the expense of truth. Dialogue – but not dilution. Respect – but never silence.

The evening at Tramshed Theatre, followed by continued conversation over dinner at Kailash Momo Restaurant, reinforced a vital lesson: advocacy is not only about protest. It is about presence. About drawing clear lines – calmly, firmly, and without compromise.

Milarepa reminds us that transformation begins within. But in today’s world, integrity must also be visible – expressed through the words we choose, the narratives we affirm, and the positions we are willing to take.

There remains an opportunity here – for alignment between artistic truth and public voice.

It is an opportunity that should be recognised – and taken.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder and chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | 29 March 2026 |

Following my recent participation in the conference “DISSENT! Museums and Political Disagreement in a Time of Culture Wars and Conflict” at the University of Manchester, from 25–26 March 2026, I have been reflecting on both the discussions we had and the wider implications for Tibet and other marginalised histories.

Shortly after the roundtable, Dr Emma Martin, an organiser of the conference, wrote to me: “Thank you so much for joining the panel yesterday. Your work drew a lot of conversation and people attending the conference were really inspired by the discussion. I look forward to continuing these discussions in the coming months.”

That message captures something important. This was not just an academic gathering – it was a space where ideas translated into urgency, and where museum practice was openly questioned.

Museums Are No Longer Neutral

The conference brought together a wide range of voices – scholars, curators, artists, activists, and researchers working across Tibet, Palestine, Iran, India, Australia, Bangladesh, and beyond. As Bhanu Ghalot, a Chevening Scholar and practice-based researcher from Delhi, reflected:

“Loved hearing perspectives on museum and heritage projects and practices from Palestine, Tibet, Bangladesh, Iran, and more, so many voices we don’t always get to hear.

We talk so often about building knowledge for the practices of the Global South, but too often the messiness, tensions, and contradictions of these perspectives and practices get left out. This conference really leaned into that messiness, staying true to the theme of dissent and highlighting unconventional approaches, contested histories, and the critical tensions that shape museum and heritage work today.”

Her reflection speaks directly to what made the conference distinctive: it did not attempt to simplify or smooth over disagreement. Instead, it created space for complexity – and for voices that are often marginalised within institutional narratives.

For communities like Tibetans, who do not have equal access to global platforms, these spaces matter profoundly.

The Tibet Roundtable: From Theory to Practice

The Tibet roundtable, chaired by Dr Emma Martin, brought together:
– Dr Dawa Lokyitsang, International Institute for Asian Studies of Leiden University, The Netherlands
– Tenzin Namgyal (Tenam), International Tibet Network from Paris (online)
– and myself (online)

What stood out was how quickly the discussion moved beyond theory into lived and ongoing struggles.

Cultural Anthropologist Dr. Dawa Lokyitsang grounded the conversation in scholarly responsibility with her personal background as a Tibetan.

Tenam brought urgency through activism – particularly by highlighting the ongoing legal challenge involving the Guimet Museum in Paris, where the use of the term “Xizang” is being contested.

This is significant. It shows that the issue of naming Tibet is not isolated to one institution – it is systemic and transnational.

The Expanding Digital Dimension

The conference also pushed these questions beyond physical museum spaces into the digital realm. As Isabella Salsano, a legal scholar working on international law and cultural heritage, observed:

“Very glad to have kicked it off by speaking at the international conference – “DISSENT! Museums and Political Disagreement in a Time of Culture Wars and Conflict” at The University of Manchester.

My presentation looked at how algorithmic systems are increasingly shaping what becomes visible, sayable, and ultimately remembered in digital museum spaces. What might seem like a technical layer actually has significant implications for international law and human rights: when visibility is governed by opaque systems, certain narratives risk being pushed to the margins. This becomes especially delicate when we think about colonial collections, indigenous heritage, or the cultural expressions of communities living through occupation or conflict.

In these contexts, algorithmic mediation can inadvertently (or not…) reinforce existing asymmetries, raising questions that international cultural heritage law has only just begun to confront.

It also made me reflect on how international law and human rights are still catching up with all of this. We have strong frameworks to protect heritage and, to some extent, expression; but much less clarity when it comes to visibility, digital memory, and the quieter forms of exclusion that happen online.”

Her intervention is especially relevant to the Tibetan case. The politics of naming does not only unfold in gallery labels or exhibition texts; it is increasingly embedded in search systems, metadata, and digital archives.

In this sense, the issue is no longer just what museums say – but what is made visible, searchable, and retrievable in the first place.

My Intervention: The Politics of Naming Tibet

In my own contribution, I focused on a simple but urgent issue: how Tibet is being named in major institutions.

At the British Museum, Tibetan objects in the Silk Roads exhibition (Sept 2024 – Feb 2025) were labelled: “Tibet or Xizang Autonomous Region, China”.

The British Museum presented this as balanced. But from a Tibetan perspective, it is not.

“Xizang” is not a neutral term. It is a state-imposed designation, promoted by the Chinese government. Tibet was invaded by the People’s Republic of China in 1950, and the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) was established in 1965 after Beijing took full control of the Tibetan Buddhist nation. Its increasing use internationally, especially since Xi Jinping took office in Beijing, reflects power, not scholarly agreement.

For Tibetans, this is not semantics.
It is something much deeper: a gradual erasure of identity through language.

What I wanted to emphasise is this: terminology does not simply describe reality – it helps construct it.

Advocacy Can Work – But It Takes Pressure

Our response, through the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, was deliberate and sustained.

We engaged the institution through formal correspondence, Freedom of Information requests, and continued advocacy.

In the final weeks of the exhibition, the term “Xizang” was withdrawn.

But it also raises a harder question: how did such terminology enter museum practice in the first place?

The Harder Question: Influence Without Instruction

One of the most important discussions was about power operating indirectly. I described this as anticipatory compliance.

Institutions do not always need to be told what to do.

This creates a quiet alignment with powerful actors.

Reclaiming Tibetan History: A Different Outcome

Alongside these challenges, I also shared a more positive example.

Through our engagement with Bonhams, the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities was able to secure the withdrawal of a historically significant 1947 correspondence between the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan Regent, and Sir Basil Gould.

These documents – from a time when Tibet was not under Chinese occupation – could easily have disappeared into private collections or state-linked archives.

Instead, they were repatriated to the Tibet Museum in Dharamsala, northern India, the seat of Tibet’s government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration. Their return has already sparked meaningful discussion beyond the Tibetan community. Notably, Sir Basil Gould’s granddaughter, Mrs. France C. Cutler, is set to attend as a Special Guest at the Frontier Diplomacy: Britain, Tibet and Sir Basil Gould event hosted by the Tibet Museum in early April, alongside Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the Central Tibetan Administration, who will serve as Chief Guest.

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities encouraged Sir Basil Gould’s family to donate these documents to the Tibet Museum to coincide with the 90th birthday of the 14th Dalai Lama as well as to visit Dharamsala to meet with the Tibetan spiritual leader – a moment designated by the Central Tibetan Administration as a Year of Compassion.

For us, this was not simply about preservation.

It was about historical evidential value – ensuring that Tibet’s past remains accessible and interpretable beyond state control.

Because ultimately, where history is held shapes how history is told.

What Museums Must Now Confront

Reflecting on the discussions in Manchester, I believe there are clear actions museums must take:
– Use historically grounded terminology, not politically expedient language
– Engage affected communities as participants, not afterthoughts
– Ensure transparency in funding and partnerships
– Recognise indirect forms of influence, not just explicit interference

Neutrality is often presented as the goal.

But in unequal contexts, neutrality can reinforce the status quo.

Final Reflection

The conference made one thing clear to me:

We are living in a time where museums are no longer just about preserving the past – they are actively shaping the political realities of the present.

For Tibetans, this is deeply personal.

When the name “Tibet” is replaced, diluted, or qualified, something more than language is at stake.

It is about whether a people can still be recognised on their own terms.

But there is also reason for cautious optimism:
– the removal of “Xizang” from a major institution
– the legal challenge in Paris
– the recovery of Tibetan historical documents
– and the growing presence of Tibetan voices in these spaces

These are signs of movement.

The question now is not whether museums are neutral.

It is this: Will they remain aware of the power they hold – and the histories they may be reshaping?

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder and chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | 25 March 2025 |

The passing of Kyabje Chime Rinpoche on 24 March 2026 at University College London Hospital marks the departure of a foundational figure in the history of Tibetan Buddhism in the United Kingdom. As one of the first Tibetan lamas to settle in England, Rinpoche served for decades as a living bridge between the ancient lineages of the Kham region and the first generation of Western seekers who encountered the Dharma in the 1960s. For many of those seekers, their first encounter with an authentic Tibetan teacher was through Chime Rinpoche himself.

The news was first shared by the Aldershot-based Buddhist Community Centre UK on social media. Its President, Ang Dawa Sherpa, stated:

“With deep sadness, we share the passing of Lama Chime Rinpoche, a highly respected Tibetan Buddhist master who greatly contributed to the spread of Tibetan Buddhism in the UK. He founded Marpa House, guided BCCUK from its early days, and served as a teacher and curator of the British Library’s Tibetan collection. May his teachings continue to inspire us all. Om Ami Dewa Rhi (108).”

The Tibetan Community in Britain also paid tribute, noting that Rinpoche was a deeply respected and active member who played a vital role in the community’s development over many decades, offering guidance, leadership, and unwavering support. The community extended heartfelt condolences to his family, students, and all those touched by his life and teachings.

His life also represented a vanishing link to a Tibet that existed before the profound political upheavals of the mid-twentieth century. As a Tibetan senior who was born into a world in which Tibet was still free – before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China on 1 October 1949, and before the subsequent occupation – his passing marks not only the loss of a great teacher, but the further fading of direct human memory of that earlier era. In this sense, his life forms part of a longer historical continuum that also includes Britain’s own early twentieth-century engagement with Tibet, such as the 1913 government scholarship programme that brought four Tibetan students – later known as the “Rugby Boys” – to the United Kingdom, and the presence of Sir Basil Gould, who represented the British Government at the enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama in Lhasa in 1940. Rinpoche’s life, therefore, stands within a broader tapestry of cultural and historical connections between Tibet and Britain.

Early Life and Lineage

Born in 1941 near Jyekundo in eastern Tibet, Rinpoche was a descendant of the Radha family, the chieftains who originally donated the land upon which Benchen Monastery was built in the fourteenth century, in an act of devotion to the 4th Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche. Recognised at the age of two as the ninth incarnation of Chime Youngdong of Benchen Monastery, he received a complete traditional education, earning the degrees of Khenpo (Master of Studies), Kyorpon (Shrine Ritual Master), and Dorje Lobpon (Vajra Master). He also completed the full three-year, three-month solitary retreat of the Kagyü Karmapa lineage.

His training came from great masters. Both Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche and the 9th Sangye Nyenpa Rinpoche were his maternal uncles as well as his root gurus. From Sangye Nyenpa, he received the complete transmission of Mahamudra, and from Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche the complete transmission of Dzogchen. He also received direct instructions on the nature of mind from the master Khenpo Gangshar. These transmissions would later form the heart of his own teaching, a union of Mahamudra and Dzogchen conveyed with great simplicity and clarity.

Following the 1959 national uprising, Rinpoche fled Tibet via Bhutan to India, travelling alongside his root gurus and maternal uncles. In India, he attended the Young Lamas Home School, established in close collaboration with His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and the remarkable English-born Buddhist nun and social reformer Freda Bedi, who was instrumental in educating young Tibetan tulkus and preparing them for life and teaching in the wider world. Her work at this critical juncture ensured that the continuity of the lineage was not lost during the challenging period of exile. Rinpoche’s time in India, where he also began to learn English, equipped him for the entirely new mission that awaited him in the West.

The Buddhist Society and the Meeting with Bowie

In 1965, Rinpoche arrived in England and became associated with the Buddhist Society in London, where he served as a point of contact for curious young Londoners seeking to understand the Dharma. He encountered a teenage David Jones before he became David Bowie. Bowie vividly recalled the meeting with the Tibetan spiritual figure in a 2001 interview:

“One day, I walked into the office, and it was empty. I went down the stairs and saw a man in saffron robes. He said, in very broken English, ‘You are looking for me.’ I realised years later that it was a question, but as a 16-year-old, I took it as a statement, ‘You are looking for me.’”

For several months, Rinpoche served as Bowie’s teacher and friend. When the young musician expressed a desire to ordain as a monk, Rinpoche gave him counsel that would, in retrospect, shape popular music history: “You don’t want to be Buddhist… You should follow music.” Bowie paid tribute to his teacher on his 1967 debut album in the song “Silly Boy Blue,” written as an homage to his teacher and to the Tibetan Buddhist world Rinpoche had carried with him into exile. Tony Visconti later invited Rinpoche to advise on Bowie’s idea of staging a rock concert at the Potala Palace in Lhasa whilst recording Scary Monsters (And Super Creeps) in 1980. Nothing materialised, but the warmth and mutual imaginative trust behind the idea is itself telling.

There is a live version of Bowie performed in 2001 at the New York-based Tibet House Benefit Concert in Carnegie Hall with Philip Glass on piano:

A Life of Service

Rinpoche’s approach to the Dharma was pragmatic. Choosing the life of a lay teacher, he married and raised a family whilst maintaining his responsibilities as a lineage holder. From 1973 to 1989, he served as Curator of the Tibetan Language Collection at the British Library, where he was instrumental in safeguarding and cataloguing thousands of rare manuscripts for future generations of scholars, ensuring that the literary heritage of Tibet survived not only as a monastic memory but within a great institutional archive.

In 1973, he established Kham Tibetan House in Ashdon, Essex, later renamed Marpa House, the first Tibetan Buddhist retreat centre in England. Over the following decades, Marpa House became a sanctuary for the transmission of Mahamudra and Dzogchen teachings. His Holiness the 16th Karmapa visited and gave Milarepa empowerments on his 1974–75 and 1977 European tours. Shechen Rabjam Rinpoche has also taught there, maintaining a living connection to the lineage from which Rinpoche himself had received his formation. It was during the 16th Karmapa’s 1975 visit that Rinpoche was formally recognised and installed as the Radha Tulku, one of the four principal incarnate lamas of Benchen Monastery.

Community and Legacy

Within the broader Tibetan diaspora, Rinpoche was a pillar of cultural continuity. He served as the first chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain (1970–71) and was a generous patron of the Tibetan Community Dance Group, recognising that cultural expression through music and performance was as essential to identity in exile as prayer. He extended his patronage to the Tibet Society and the Buddhist Society, quietly supporting institutions that have served both spiritual seekers and the Tibetan cause for generations. He also served as President of the Tibetan Terrier Association, reflecting a commitment to preserving Tibetan life in all its dimensions.

Among his most enduring contributions was his formation of a community of lay students whom he authorised to carry on his teaching work, demonstrating that the Dharma could take root not only in monasteries but in ordinary professional and family life. Those who knew him remember a teacher of remarkable depth and authenticity, yet also of great warmth, humility, and gentle humour – a man whose “21st-century anecdotes” made the most timeless truths feel immediate and alive.

Kyabje Chime Rinpoche stands as a giant of the first generation of Tibetan lamas in the West. He was a master who showed that the essence of the Dharma is not found in titles or exoticism, but in the warmth of the heart and the clarity of the ordinary mind.

May his swift rebirth continue to benefit all sentient beings. Om Mani Padme Hum.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and former Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain. Tsering’s personal blog: www.Tsamtruk.com.

Tsering Passang | GATPM |

On Thursday, 19 March, I had the privilege of attending a timely and impactful meeting at Amnesty International UK’s office in London, convened by Benedict Rogers of Fortify Rights and hosted by Amnesty International UK’s Hong Kong Desk. The gathering brought together activists and representatives from Tibet, Burma, Hong Kong, and other affected communities – including Falun Gong practitioners and pro-democracy advocates from mainland China – by a shared commitment to human rights, freedom, and justice.

At a time of rising authoritarianism – where regimes are increasingly coordinated, emboldened, and willing to curtail fundamental freedoms, including freedom of expression – the importance of strengthening alliances across our movements cannot be overstated. This meeting was a powerful example of that shared resolve.

I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Sasa for his powerful insights and steadfast leadership, and I look forward to remaining in close contact as we continue this vital work together.

Dr. Sasa’s journey is both remarkable and deeply inspiring. Born in a remote village in Chin State, he rose from humble beginnings marked by hardship and systemic neglect to become a medical doctor, humanitarian leader, and one of Burma’s most prominent voices for democracy. He went on to serve as Myanmar’s Special Envoy to the United Nations, as well as Union Minister for International Cooperation and Spokesperson for the National Unity Government (NUG) – the legitimate, democratically elected government of Myanmar.

In these roles, he became a leading international advocate for the Burmese people following the military coup, mobilising global support and exposing the atrocities committed by the junta. In December 2025, as part of broader reforms within the NUG, he transitioned from his ministerial role to launch new initiatives under a “People’s Platforms” framework, including the Institute of Peace and Federal Democracy (IPFD).

Reflecting on this transition, Dr. Sasa stated: “Serving the courageous people of Myanmar during the darkest period in our modern history has been the greatest honour of my life… Though this chapter closes, my commitment to our nation continues with even greater purpose.”

He further emphasised: “It is not a departure from our shared struggle, but a continuation of it in a new capacity.”

At the centre of our discussion was his ongoing effort to build coordinated international support. Currently in the UK, Dr. Sasa is engaging parliamentarians, government officials, and key stakeholders to strengthen cooperation in support of Burma’s democratic future.

The discussion itself was both sobering and galvanising. We heard stark accounts of realities on the ground: over 300 churches destroyed, widespread denial of fundamental freedoms, and a sham electoral process rejected by 95% of respondents in a recent survey. The scale of external influence – particularly from China, which supplies over 55% of the arms used by the military junta – underscores the geopolitical complexity and urgency of the crisis.

Dr. Sasa spoke with clarity and conviction about what is at stake:

“If Burma doesn’t become a fully democratic country, there will be no more Burma.”

He also issued a powerful call for unity: “Together – one voice, one mission, one future – we must stand united against Min Aung Hlaing and his unlawful junta.”

Crucially, he reminded us of the enduring spirit of the Burmese people and the necessity of unwavering commitment: “I will not rest until the people of Myanmar are free. We must never give up.”

He emphasised that the struggle in Burma is not isolated, but deeply interconnected with the experiences of Tibetans, Uyghurs, Hongkongers, and pro-democracy advocates from mainland China – all facing repression under authoritarian regimes. His message was clear: greater cooperation, coordination, and solidarity across these movements is essential to challenge impunity and uphold the aspirations of oppressed peoples.

Underscoring the need for accountability, he stated: “Perpetrators must not be allowed to travel freely.”

Western governments, including the UK and the US, have a critical responsibility to ensure that those responsible for atrocities are held accountable, while meaningfully supporting the democratic will of the Burmese people.

Through the Institute of Peace and Federal Democracy, Dr. Sasa continues to advance a vision rooted in inclusive governance, respect for diversity, and bottom-up federalism – amplifying the voices of Myanmar’s many communities and accelerating the path toward a genuine federal democracy.

This meeting served as a powerful reminder that the fight for freedom, justice, and human dignity transcends borders. In the face of growing authoritarian coordination, our response must be equally united, strategic, and sustained.

A GATPM Report | London |

On Tuesday, 10 March 2026, Tibetans and supporters across London commemorated the 67th anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising of 1959, renewing calls for freedom, justice, and human rights for the Tibetan people. The day brought together community members, parliamentarians, and human rights advocates through a series of events combining symbolic civic solidarity, peaceful demonstrations, and a public commemorative event.

Woolwich Town Hall – Civic Solidarity

The day began at Woolwich Town Hall, where the Tibetan national flag was displayed as a symbol of solidarity with the Tibetan people. The gathering was organised by the Greenwich Tibetan Association (GTA) in collaboration with the Royal Borough of Greenwich (RBG).

Although the formal flag-raising ceremony could not take place this year due to scaffolding and building repair works, the Mayor, Deputy Mayor, and Deputy Leader warmly welcomed members of the Tibetan community and local residents for a photo session with the Tibetan flag. The Mayor’s Office confirmed that the Tibet Flag hoisting ceremony will resume next year, reflecting the borough’s continued support for the Tibetan cause.

Whitehall Rally – Parliamentary Support

Participants then gathered at Whitehall, opposite Downing Street, at the heart of the United Kingdom’s political landscape, for a rally highlighting the ongoing human rights situation in Tibet.

Speakers included:

• Lord David Alton, Chair of the Joint Committee on Human Rights
• Alicia Kearns MP, Shadow Minister for Home Affairs and former Chair of the Foreign Affairs Select Committee
• Luke de Pulford, Co-founder and Executive Director of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC)
• Norman Baker, former UK Government Minister and a long-time Tibet supporter
• Phuntsok Norbu, Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain

Speakers emphasised the need for democratic governments to address ongoing human rights violations in Tibet and urged the Chinese government to respect the religious and cultural rights of the Tibetan people, including their right to determine their own spiritual leaders – particularly the recognition of the next Dalai Lama.

Following the rally, participants marched through central London in the annual Peace March, reaffirming the Tibetan people’s commitment to non-violence and peaceful advocacy.

Rally Outside the Chinese Embassy – Shared Struggles

The march concluded outside the Chinese Embassy, where activists from multiple communities expressed solidarity with Tibet and other persecuted peoples.

They highlighted the shared challenges faced by Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Hong Kongers, stressing the importance of international solidarity in defending human rights and freedom. Chants of “Free Tibet,” “China Out of Tibet,” “Human Rights in Tibet,” “Stop the Killing in Tibet,” and “Long Live the Dalai Lama” rang out, echoing across the Chinese Embassy compound where officials were at work.

Tibetan Commemorative Event – Indian YMCA

The day-long programme, organised by the Tibetan Community in Britain in association with the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, Free Tibet, Students for a Free Tibet, and the Voluntary Tibet Advocacy Group, concluded with a commemorative function at the Indian YMCA.

Held under the theme “Year of Compassion: Calling for Freedom and Justice in Tibet,” the function opened with the Tibetan national anthem, followed by a one-minute silence, a Buddhist prayer for world peace, and commemorative songs honouring those who sacrificed their lives during the 1959 uprising.

Her Excellency Madam Tsering Yangkey, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in the United Kingdom, read the official Kashag statement and spoke about the importance of international solidarity. In an emotional address in Tibetan, she emphasised the urgent need to safeguard the Tibetan language, culture, and identity.

Phuntsok Norbu, Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain, highlighted the unity and resilience of the Tibetan diaspora and encouraged continued advocacy to ensure Tibet’s voice remains strong in the United Kingdom.

A deeply thoughtful address was delivered by Dr. Shao Jiang, a Chinese dissident, scholar-activist, and former student leader during the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, who was imprisoned as a political prisoner of conscience for his activism.

Reflecting on decades of Chinese rule in Tibet, Dr. Jiang argued that official narratives may have changed, but the underlying system of control has remained constant:

“For decades, the Chinese Communist Party has enforced its illegal occupation of Tibet under shifting slogans… The slogans change. The structure does not. Tibet has been ruled without Tibetan consent.”

He outlined four interconnected areas shaping Tibetan life today – land and livelihood, environment, language and culture, and religion – describing them as part of a broader structure of political domination.

“Land enclosure, resource extraction, linguistic marginalisation, and religious control form one integrated system.”

Dr. Jiang described the displacement of Tibetan communities, ecological exploitation of the Tibetan plateau, suppression of Tibetan language in education, and restrictions on Tibetan Buddhism.

Despite these challenges, he highlighted the resilience of Tibetans in exile, pointing to their democratic institutions and cultural initiatives as evidence of their capacity to shape their own future.

He concluded with a message of determination:

“Power cannot erase history. It cannot extinguish a people’s identity. We remain committed to self-determination, to basic freedoms, and to democratic participation… Tibet will be free.”

Advocacy and Youth Leadership

Benedict Rogers, Senior Director at Fortify Rights and co-founder of Hong Kong Watch, reaffirmed his solidarity with Tibet. He recalled meeting the Dalai Lama in Dharamsala three years ago and noted that ahead of Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer’s visit to China in January 2026, 19 human rights organisations had urged the UK Government to raise concerns about Tibet.

Youth speakers Tenzin Rabga of Free Tibet and Kunsel Dorjee of Students for a Free Tibet spoke about the importance of sustaining the Tibetan freedom movement through youth activism and global grassroots engagement.

The programme concluded with a vote of thanks by Drukthar Gyal, General Secretary of the Tibetan Community in Britain.

Tsering Passang, Founder-Chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities, who served as host of the afternoon event, reflected on the significance of the day:

“We honour the courage of the Tibetan people who rose up in Lhasa on 10 March 1959, and we reaffirm our commitment to freedom, justice, human rights, and the preservation of Tibet’s unique cultural and spiritual heritage.

“Sixty-seven years ago, tens of thousands of Tibetans rose peacefully to defend their freedom, dignity, identity, and their spiritual leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Their courage and sacrifice continue to inspire Tibetans and supporters across the world. As we commemorate this day in London, we gather in remembrance, solidarity, and hope – renewing our shared commitment to freedom, justice, and human dignity for the Tibetan people.”

Continuing the Call for Justice

The events held across Woolwich Town Hall, Whitehall, the Chinese Embassy, and the Indian YMCA demonstrated the strength of international solidarity with Tibet.

Speakers from Tibetan, Uyghur, and Hong Kong communities emphasised the interconnected nature of struggles for freedom and human dignity.

Sixty-seven years after the uprising in Lhasa, the message resonating across London was clear:

The Tibetan struggle for freedom, dignity, and cultural survival continues – sustained by resilience, global solidarity, and an enduring hope for justice.

Today, more than 1,500 Tibetans remain imprisoned for exercising their fundamental rights, while restrictions on language, religion, and cultural expression persist inside Tibet. Commemorations such as these ensure that the voices of Tibetans – both inside Tibet and in exile – continue to be heard around the world. 

Photos: Drukthar Gyal | 10 March 2026

Tsering Passang | London |

On Tuesday, 10 March 2026 at 9 am, members of the Tibetan community in the UK, local residents, and leaders of the Royal Borough of Greenwich gathered at Woolwich Town Hall to mark the 67th anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan National Uprising in Lhasa, Tibet’s capital, and to express solidarity with the Tibetan people.

Although the formal Tibet Flag Raising Ceremony could not take place this year due to ongoing scaffolding and essential building repair works at the Town Hall, the event remained a meaningful occasion for reflection, unity, and community engagement.

The gathering was graciously attended by the Mayor of the Royal Borough of Greenwich, Councillor Linda Bird, the Deputy Mayor Councillor David Gardner, the Deputy Leader of the Council Averil Lekau, and Cllr. Mariam Lolavar, also a cabinet member. They joined members of the Tibetan community and local residents for a group photograph with the Tibetan national flag in the Town Hall foyer. All the council leaders have previously participated in the Tibet Flag Raising Ceremony at the Town Hall in past years.

The event was also honoured by the presence of Her Excellency Madam Tsering Yangkey, Representative of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama at the Office of Tibet in London. She was joined by Mr. Phuntsok Norbu, Chairman of the Tibetan Community in Britain, along with leaders and members of the Greenwich Tibetan Association and other local residents.

Madam Tsering Yangkey expressed her sincere appreciation and gratitude to the Council leaders for their symbolic gesture and their continued support and solidarity with the Tibetan community. She thanked them for standing with the Tibetan people and encouraged their continued support for Tibetans’ peaceful struggle for freedom, justice, and human rights.

Facilitator of the Tibet flag initiative, Tsering Passang, also conveyed his heartfelt thanks to the leaders of the Royal Borough of Greenwich for their long-standing support of the Tibetan community. He recalled that the first Tibet flag raising in the borough took place in September 2015 as a welcoming gesture during the visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to London, when His Holiness delivered public teachings and talks to more than 10,000 people at The O2 and met with the then Mayor of the Royal Borough of Greenwich, Councillor Norman Adams. He further noted that the annual Tibet Flag Raising Ceremony has been held at Woolwich Town Hall since 2020 in collaboration with the Royal Borough of Greenwich. He also acknowledged the kind support and cooperation of the Mayor’s Office in facilitating this meeting between the Council leaders and the Tibetan community.

Mayor Linda Bird also shared her fond memories of participating in the celebration of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s 90th Birthday last July at the Tibetan Peace Garden in the grounds of the Imperial War Museum, where she addressed a large gathering of Tibetans and supporters during the commemorative event.

Hours after the meeting, the Royal Borough of Greenwich acknowledged the occasion on its official social media account, posting:

“Today we raised the Tibetan flag inside Woolwich Town Hall to mark Tibetan Uprising Day. Showing solidarity here in Royal Greenwich with those marking the day around the world to remember the events of 1959 and the resilience of Tibetan communities.”

Deputy Mayor Councillor David Gardner also shared his reflections in an X post, stating: 

“Honoured to mark the 67th anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising @Royal_Greenwich  with @CllrLindaBird  @averil_lekau  + Greenwich Tibetan community (UK’s largest) @tsamtruk”

While the traditional outdoor flag-raising ceremony could not be held this year, the leaders of the Royal Borough of Greenwich kindly assured the community that the official Tibet Flag Raising Ceremony will resume next year once the building works at the Town Hall are completed. Their presence and engagement with the Tibetan community served as a genuine gesture of friendship, solidarity, and continued support. They also conveyed their best wishes to the Tibetan community for the day’s programme of events, including the rally at Whitehall.

The meeting reaffirmed the borough’s respect for the Tibetan people and their peaceful quest for freedom, justice, and human rights through non-violent means, as well as their admiration for the Tibetan spiritual leader, His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

The annual Tibet flag initiative in Greenwich, organised by the Greenwich Tibetan Association in collaboration with the Royal Borough of Greenwich, has become a meaningful symbol of civic solidarity. Woolwich Town Hall remains the only town hall in the United Kingdom that consistently demonstrates such visible civic support for the Tibetan people. On the same day, more than 300 towns and cities worldwide, including in Germany, France, and the United States, raise the Tibetan flag as a show of support and solidarity with the people of Tibet.

Despite the temporary limitations this year, the gathering demonstrated the strength, unity, and resilience of the Tibetan community in this Royal Borough and the continued goodwill of local civic leaders. The community looks forward to resuming the full Tibet Flag Raising Ceremony next year and continuing this important tradition of remembrance, solidarity, and friendship.

Tsering Passang | 9 March 2026 |

March 10 is not merely an anniversary for Tibetans. It is a day of national remembrance, political resolve, and global solidarity. As geopolitics shifts and China’s global influence deepens, this date has acquired renewed relevance – not only for Tibetans in exile, but also for democracies grappling with Beijing’s growing assertiveness and transnational repression.

From “Peaceful Liberation” to Military Invasion

After the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Chairman Mao declared the “peaceful liberation” of Tibet from foreign imperialists. Soon afterwards, the People’s Liberation Army entered Tibetan territory from the eastern frontiers and never left the peaceful Buddhist nation, which has rich and unexploited natural resources, and also a geo-strategic location. For Tibetans, this marked the beginning of modern China’s invasion, which subsequently saw the death of over 1.2 million Tibetans and the destruction of Tibet’s great learning centres – over 6000 Buddhist monasteries and nunneries.

On 23 May 1951, Tibetan representatives in Lhasa signed the so-called “Seventeen-Point Agreement” with Beijing. Tibetans have consistently maintained that the agreement was signed under duress. Lukhangwa, the Tibetan Prime Minister, made clear in 1952 that the Tibetan people did not accept it.

His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, then still a teenager, with very little option, chose to work with the Chinese authorities in an effort to prevent further destruction. In his memoir My Land and My People, he wrote that he did so to “save my people and country from total destruction.” For eight years, he attempted to honour the agreement.

In 1954, the Dalai Lama travelled to Beijing, where he met Mao Tsetung and Premier Zhou Enlai, both of whom assured him of Tibet’s future autonomy. In 1956, during a visit to India for the 2500th Buddha Jayanti celebrations, he discussed Tibet’s deteriorating situation with Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Although he considered seeking asylum, he was advised to return to Lhasa and pursue dialogue.

10 March 1959: The Uprising

By early 1959, tensions in Lhasa had reached breaking point. Around 20,000 Chinese troops were stationed in the capital, while fighting in eastern Tibet had already displaced thousands.

On 10 March 1959, amid fears that the Dalai Lama would be abducted after being invited to a Chinese military function without bodyguards, more than 30,000 Tibetans surrounded the Norbulingka Palace to protect him. The situation escalated rapidly. Days later, artillery shells landed near the Dalai Lama’s summer palace.

On the night of 17 March, disguised as a soldier, the young Dalai Lama escaped Lhasa. After a perilous journey, he reached India on 31 March 1959. Nearly 80,000 Tibetans followed him into exile in India, while many others fled to Nepal and Bhutan.

Democracy in Exile

In Dharamsala, northern India, the Tibetan leadership re-established itself as the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Over the decades, the Dalai Lama gradually introduced democratic reforms. In 2011, he formally relinquished political authority, transferring leadership to a directly elected Sikyong (President), marking the end of a 400-year-old tradition of combined spiritual and temporal leadership.

Today, Tibetans in exile elect both their Sikyong and their Chithues (Members of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile), reflecting a maturing democratic culture. These elections are not symbolic; they embody a deep commitment to democratic governance – standing in stark contrast to the authoritarian system imposed inside Tibet.

The exile administration has built schools, monasteries, healthcare centres, and cultural institutions across India, Nepal and Bhutan, preserving Tibetan identity under extraordinarily difficult conditions. Yet the diaspora faces mounting challenges: funding constraints, generational transition, questions of identity preservation, and increasing pressure stemming from Chinese diplomatic and economic leverage in host countries.

A Changing Geopolitical Landscape

The Tibet issue now unfolds within a dramatically altered geopolitical environment. China is no longer the isolated power of the 1950s; it is a global superpower with vast economic reach. Through trade, infrastructure projects, and political influence, Beijing shapes international responses to Tibet.

At the same time, concerns over human rights in Tibet intersect with broader global anxieties about Xinjiang (East Turkestan), Hong Kong, and Taiwan. The Chinese government’s insistence on its “One-China” Principle leaves no room for alternative identities or meaningful self-determination within territories it controls.

More troubling still is the rise of transnational repression. Tibetan activists in democratic countries report surveillance, intimidation, and pressure exerted on family members back in Tibet. This export of authoritarian control beyond China’s borders has become an increasingly visible feature of Beijing’s global posture.

Thus, March 10 has evolved from a commemoration of past tragedy into a platform to highlight ongoing repression and defend democratic values worldwide.

Annual Commemoration and Global Action

Every year on March 10, Tibetans across India, Nepal, Europe, North America, and Australasia hold prayer services, public gatherings, and political demonstrations. The Sikyong and the Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile issue official statements reviewing conditions inside Tibet and reaffirming the Tibetan people’s aspirations.

Grassroots organisations such as the Tibetan Youth Congress advocate for Rangzen – full independence – and organise protests outside Chinese embassies and at international institutions – calling for justice in Tibet.

In recent years, activism has adapted to global realities. Campaigns such as “Repeal One-China Policy” seek to challenge the diplomatic orthodoxy that sidelines Tibet. Prominent Tibetan activist-writer Tenzin Tsundue has mobilised supporters through long-distance marches and grassroots advocacy, symbolising resilience and visibility amid shrinking civic space.

In cities such as London, New York, Paris, Toronto, and Delhi, Tibetans and their supporters march to Chinese embassies, often stopping at symbolic sites – including Indian diplomatic missions – to underscore the regional dimension of the Tibet question. Acts of solidarity, including more than 300 towns and cities worldwide raising the Tibetan flag, send important moral signals even when governments remain cautious.

Why March 10 Still Matters

For Tibetans inside Tibet, open commemoration is impossible. Daily life is shaped by pervasive surveillance, restrictions on religious practice, limits on Tibetan-language education, and severe constraints on political expression. Information from within Tibet is tightly controlled, making the voice of the diaspora all the more vital. 

For younger Tibetans born in exile, March 10 represents both inheritance and responsibility – a reminder that their democratic freedoms were hard-won and must be safeguarded. In Nepal, expressions related to the Tibetan people’s political and human rights aspirations have also been banned, and under China’s growing influence, the country has increasingly been described by some observers as a “second Tibet.” 

For the international community, the day offers an opportunity to reassess policies shaped primarily by economic considerations. As China’s global influence expands, so too does the need for principled engagement rooted in human rights and the rule of law.

Nearly seven decades after the 1959 uprising, Tibetans remain stateless yet steadfast. Through the democratic election of Sikyong and Chithues, through peaceful protest, and through unwavering commitment to non-violence inspired by the Dalai Lama’s leadership, they continue to assert their identity and aspirations.

March 10 keeps the flame alive – not only for Tibet’s past, but for its future in a rapidly changing world.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder–chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful paths for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing and advocacy works can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

26 February 2026 | GATPM:

On 10 March 1959, thousands of Tibetans in Lhasa, Tibet’s capital, rose up to defend their freedom, faith, culture, and national identity in the face of invading Chinese Communist forces. What began as a peaceful gathering became a defining moment in Tibet’s modern history – a national uprising met with brutal force and followed by decades of illegal occupation.

Sixty-seven years on, Tibetans across the world continue to honour that courage. March 10 is both a commemoration and a renewed appeal for justice, human rights, and dignity for the Tibetan people.

On Tuesday, 10 March, British Tibetans and supporters will gather in central London for the annual Tibetan Freedom March and Commemoration Event, marking the 67th Anniversary of Tibetan National Uprising Day. The peaceful demonstration brings together community members, human rights advocates, faith leaders, parliamentarians, students, and all who value democratic freedoms.

For nearly seven decades, Tibet has remained under the control of the People’s Republic of China. Inside Tibet, restrictions limit freedom of expression, religion, movement, and cultural life. Monasteries are closely monitored, and the Tibetan language faces increasing marginalisation. Even peaceful expressions of identity or calls for cultural rights can result in detention and lengthy prison sentences. More than 1,500 Tibetans are believed to be imprisoned for exercising rights protected under international law.

In London, we are free to assemble and speak openly. Many inside Tibet are not.

Your presence on March 10 sends a powerful message of solidarity. It keeps international attention focused on Tibet and affirms that human rights violations cannot be ignored because they occur beyond our borders.

On this day, we stand together – peacefully and resolutely – to say:

This must end.

Join us. Stand with Tibet. Stand for freedom, justice, and human dignity.

Event Details – London, 10 March 2026

10:00 am – Gathering at Whitehall
Opposite 10 Downing Street, Whitehall, London SW1A 2AA

10:30 am – Whitehall Rally
Speeches from parliamentarians, Tibetan representatives, and supporters.

11:15 am – Peace March
From Whitehall to the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China,
49–51 Portland Place, London W1B 1JL
Via Trafalgar Square, Piccadilly Circus, and Oxford Circus.

12:15 – 1:30 pm – Rally at the Chinese Embassy
Buddhist prayers for world peace and addresses from Tibetan and guest speakers.

Participants will raise calls such as “Free Tibet”, “Human Rights in Tibet”, and “Religious Freedom in Tibet” – words that Tibetans inside Tibet risk imprisonment for expressing. In London, we can speak for those who cannot.

2:00 – 4:30 pm – Tibetan Commemoration Event
Indian YMCA, 41 Fitzroy Square, London W1T 6AQ

The afternoon will feature a cultural commemoration attended by the Office of Tibet (London), advocates, community leaders, and supporters. A Tibetan cultural programme begins at 2:30 pm, and refreshments – including traditional Tibetan momo – will be served.

Organisers and Supporting Groups

Led by the Tibetan Community in Britain, this year’s commemoration is supported by:

• Free Tibet
• Students for a Free Tibet (UK)
• Voluntary Tibet Advocacy Group
• Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities

Together, they call for respect for human rights, religious freedom, cultural preservation, and meaningful dialogue for the people of Tibet.

Why Your Presence Matters

March 10 is not only about history – it is about responsibility.

Every person who attends strengthens the message that Tibet is not forgotten. Every voice raised in solidarity challenges repression. Every step taken in peaceful protest reflects a shared commitment to justice and dignity.

Whether you are Tibetan, a human rights supporter, or simply someone who believes in freedom and democracy, your presence makes a difference.

Join us. Stand with Tibet. Stand for justice. Stand for freedom.

#READ! Keeping The Flame Alive: Why Tibetans Worldwide Commemorate March 10th

Tsering Passang | London | 19 February 2026

The Tibetan world stands in solemn reflection following the passing of Tendzin Choegyal, the 16th Ngari Rinpoche, who died on 17 February 2026 at his residence, Kashmir Cottage, in Dharamsala, northern India. As the youngest brother of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, Ngari Rinpoche was far more than a member of the Tibetan leader’s immediate family; he was a steadfast patriot, a candid intellectual, and a lifelong servant of the Tibetan cause whose presence shaped the exile experience for more than six decades.

His passing at the age of 80 comes scarcely a year after the death of his elder brother, Gyalo Thondup, marking the close of a remarkable chapter in a family that has stood at the heart of Tibet’s modern history. He is survived by his wife, Rinchen Khandro Choegyal – a former minister of Tibet’s government-in-exile, and founder of the Tibetan Nuns Project – and their children, Tenzin Choezom and Tenzin Lodoe.

An Unconventional Rinpoche

For many of us, the name Ngari Rinpoche first echoed through the classrooms of Tibetan refugee schools across the Indian subcontinent. We grew up hearing stories of this “unconventional Rinpoche” – the Dalai Lama’s younger brother who walked among the people, served in the military, and spoke with a forthright honesty that resonated with a generation born in displacement. To us, he embodied a bridge between the sacred traditions of the old world and the resilience required to endure in the new.

Recognised as the 16th Ngari Rinpoche at the age of three – a highly respected lineage associated with western Tibet’s Ngari region – he was raised as a monk and pursued his studies at the prestigious Drepung Monastery in Tibet. However, Rinpoche was never one for rigid protocol. His life was defined by a rare synthesis of deep-rooted heritage and a modern, global outlook. Educated at St Joseph’s School in Darjeeling and later in the United States, he eventually chose a lay life, reflecting a personal preference for substance over ceremony.

A Witness to History: From Lhasa to the World

Born in 1946 (the Year of the Fire Dog) in the sacred city of Lhasa, Tendzin Choegyal’s life was inextricably intertwined with the journey of His Holiness. Even as a young boy, he bore silent witness to profound upheaval. He accompanied the Dalai Lama on the fateful 1954–1955 visit to China, observing tense diplomatic manoeuvres with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. In 1956, he joined the delegation to India for the 2,500th Buddha Jayanti celebrations – a visit that offered a glimpse of the freedom that would later become their refuge.

When the darkness of March 1959 descended upon Lhasa, the thirteen-year-old Rinpoche undertook the perilous escape across the Himalayas, beginning a life in exile that he would transform into one of unwavering service.

The Dalai Lama’s Closest Confidant

In the decades following 1959, Ngari Rinpoche remained a constant, reassuring presence at his brother’s side, travelling extensively as His Holiness carried Tibet’s message to the world. Within the inner circles of Tibet’s government-in-exile, officially known as the Central Tibetan Administration, based in Dharamsala, he was widely regarded as the Dalai Lama’s closest confidant. Their bond transcended brotherhood; it was a partnership grounded in trust and shared responsibility during the most turbulent years of the Tibetan struggle.

Rinpoche was renowned for his perceptive and candid nature. In a community that often relies on diplomatic courtesy, he was known to speak truth to power. He offered a grounded, pragmatic perspective that proved invaluable to the leadership in exile.

A Lifetime of High-Impact Service

Since 1971, Rinpoche served the Tibetan community in various capacities that reflected his versatility and dedication:

Education: As a teacher at the Tibetan Children’s Village (TCV), he helped shape the minds of the next generation.

Leadership: He served as President of the Tibetan Youth Congress (1974–1976), the largest NGO in exile advocating for Tibet’s independence from China, and later as a member of the 12th Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, representing the Dhomed (Amdo) province.

Security & Defence: Embodying the physical defence of his people, he joined the Special Frontier Force – an elite unit under the Indian security establishment – and later served in the security department of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA).

Global Outlook and the UK Connection

His international travels frequently brought him to the West. A few in the United Kingdom will remember his visit in June 2015, when he travelled as part of the official entourage accompanying the Dalai Lama. During that visit – which included His Holiness’s appearance at the Glastonbury Festival and the Nepalese Buddhist Community Centre in Aldershot – Ngari Rinpoche was a pillar of quiet support behind the scenes.

Those who had the privilege of hosting him often recalled his warm, down-to-earth demeanour and his particular fondness for Scottish shortbread. It was these small, humanising details – his appreciation for a simple British biscuit coupled with his fierce intellectualism – that made him so beloved.

A Legacy of Hospitality and Integrity

Beyond politics, his legacy is woven into the social fabric of Dharamsala. Alongside his wife, Rinchen Khandro, he made Kashmir Cottage a place of warmth and gracious hospitality. Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the CTA, expressed the collective grief of the Tibetan people, noting that Rinpoche’s life was wholly devoted to the preservation of Tibetan religion, culture, and political aspirations.

As we at the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) extend our deepest condolences to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, his sister Jetsun Pema, and the bereaved family, we remember a revered figure who lived with quiet strength and unshakeable integrity. Ngari Rinpoche did not merely witness Tibetan history; he helped to shape it.

Condolence Statement — GATPM

With heavy hearts, we mourn the passing of Ngari Rinpoche, a pillar of the Tibetan community. His life was a testament to the primacy of service over ceremony. His contributions to our political institutions, to the education of our children, and to the preservation of our national identity will endure in our collective memory.

We extend our deepest prayers and solidarity to the family at Kashmir Cottage, to His Holiness, and to Tibetans across the world – mindful also of the immense loss the family has endured in recent years with the passing of Gyalo Thondup.

May his soul journey peacefully onward.

Tibetan Losar Greetings from Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM)

Dear Friends, Supporters, Allies, and Partners,

As we welcome the Year of the Fire Horse – 2153 on 18th February 2026, I extend my warmest Losar Tashi Deleg to you and your loved ones. May this Tibetan New Year usher in renewed hope, resilience, courage, and prosperity for all.

Losar is a sacred time to honour our profound spiritual and cultural heritage — from the legacy of Tibet’s Dharma Kings to the unbreakable spirit of our people today. It is also a moment of reflection and renewed determination. As repression inside Tibet intensifies and the fundamental rights of Tibetans and other persecuted communities continue to be denied under the rule of the Chinese Communist Party, our collective responsibility to stand for truth and justice becomes ever more urgent.

This year calls us not only to celebrate but to strengthen our global movement. The values of compassion, non-violence, and universal responsibility embodied by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama remain a guiding light for our efforts. His enduring message of peace and dialogue continues to inspire people of conscience around the world.

On this meaningful occasion, I extend my heartfelt gratitude to governments, parliamentarians, NGOs, human rights defenders, political leaders, faith communities, and grassroots activists who stand in solidarity with Tibet and other persecuted minorities. Your principled support sustains our advocacy and amplifies the voices of those silenced.

As we step into the Tibetan Royal Year 2153, I humbly call upon you to renew and deepen your engagement with our shared cause. Your continued partnership — through advocacy, awareness, collaboration, and support — is vital to advancing human rights, religious freedom, cultural preservation, and justice. Together, we can ensure that Tibet’s struggle remains visible and that the aspirations of oppressed communities are not forgotten.

With your solidarity, the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) remains steadfast in its mission to champion freedom, dignity, and accountability. Let this Losar strengthen our unity and resolve as we work toward a future grounded in justice and peace.

Thank you for your enduring commitment. May the spirit of Losar inspire us all to move forward with courage, compassion, and unwavering determination.

Losar Tashi Deleg!

With gratitude and renewed resolve,

Tsering Passang
Founder & Chair
Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM)

Tsering Passang | Tibet Post International

On 1 February 2026, I cast my vote in London to elect the Sikyong and Chithues of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), our government-in-exile based in India. It was a simple act on the surface – marking a ballot, folding the paper, placing it in a box – yet one filled with history, sacrifice, and responsibility.

For a stateless people scattered across some 27 countries, the ability to vote every five years is nothing short of extraordinary. It is proof that exile has not erased our political agency. It is evidence that democracy, once planted in difficult soil, can still take root and grow.

A System Built on Vision

Out of 91,042 registered voters worldwide, 51,140 Tibetans cast their ballots in the 2026 preliminary elections – a turnout of 56.17 percent. In a globally dispersed community facing legal, financial, and logistical barriers, this participation reflects commitment and continuity.

This democratic system did not emerge by accident. It was a visionary act by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama, who, soon after arriving in exile in 1959, began laying the foundations for democratic governance among Tibetans. Long before stepping back from political authority in 2011, he insisted that Tibetans must learn to govern themselves through institutions rather than depend on a single individual.

As His Holiness turns 91 this July, Tibetan democracy in exile stands as a living testament to his foresight, humility, and unwavering faith in his people. It remains one of the most remarkable achievements of a displaced nation – and one of our strongest sources of moral authority on the global stage.

The 2026 Mandate

At a press conference in Dharamsala on 13 February 2026, the Election Commission formally announced the results of the preliminary elections of Sikyong and Chithue.

Incumbent Sikyong Penpa Tsering secured 31,325 votes – 61.025 percent of the total – crossing the 60 percent constitutional threshold under Article 67(4) of the Election Rules and Regulations. As a result, no final round was required, and the Election Commission declared him elected to lead the 17th Kashag.

His principal challenger, Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang (Kaydor), former Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to North America and former aide to Sikyong Dr Lobsang Sangay (2011–2021), secured 17,843 votes. Tsering Phuntsok, a school teacher from south India, received 159 votes. In total, 103 candidates contested the preliminary presidential race – itself a sign of political vibrancy and democratic openness.

Congratulations are due to Sikyong Penpa Tsering on his decisive mandate. Congratulations also to Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang and all other candidates who stepped forward in the spirit of public service. Most importantly, congratulations to the 51,140 Tibetans who participated – for democracy survives not because leaders win, but because citizens engage.

Compared to the 2021 final election, however, there is a notable shift. In 2021, Penpa Tsering secured 34,324 votes, while Kelsang Dorjee Aukatsang received 28,907 votes. In 2026, both leading candidates received fewer votes.

This does not undermine the legitimacy of the mandate. But it does invite reflection.

Democracy is not measured only by who wins. It is measured by participation, enthusiasm, and trust. A strong majority provides stability; sustained civic engagement provides moral authority.

Democracy as Responsibility

In my earlier piece, Democracy in Exile: Voting for Tibet’s Future, I wrote that participation is not merely a right – it is a responsibility. That conviction feels even more urgent now.

Tibetans inside Tibet are denied even the most basic civic freedoms. They cannot vote in free elections, assemble openly, or express political opinions without fear of severe repercussions. Their voices are systematically silenced. That reality places a profound moral obligation on those of us in exile: we must speak responsibly, strategically, and with unity on their behalf.

Even in exile, the right to vote is not equally accessible to all. Tibetans in Nepal, in particular, have long faced restrictions. There have been repeated reports since 2011 of disruptions and pressure from Chinese authorities influencing Nepal’s administration. Some Tibetans have reportedly been compelled to cast their votes discreetly, even in hiding. The simple act of voting – routine elsewhere – becomes, for them, an act of quiet courage.

Those of us who vote freely must never take that privilege for granted.

Reforming and Strengthening Our Democracy

If we are to honour this system, we must also improve it.

Postal voting facilities remain unavailable, limiting participation for Tibetans who live far from polling stations due to work, health, or financial constraints. This is an issue the Election Commission must seriously address if we are to make our democracy more inclusive and representative.

Likewise, the voting age should be lowered from 18 to 16. If young Tibetans are old enough to understand their identity, history, and struggle, they are old enough to have a voice in shaping their future. Under the current cycle, a Tibetan who misses voting at 18 may not have another opportunity until 22 or 23 – formative years in which political engagement should be cultivated, not postponed.

If we want our youth to take ownership of the freedom struggle, we must trust them with responsibility.

Leadership Beyond Victory

The final round of the parliamentary elections will take place on 26 April 2026, continuing this vital democratic journey. Yet elections alone do not guarantee unity or progress; they are only the foundation upon which responsible leadership and collective purpose must be built.

The Tibetan struggle is far too serious – and the stakes far too high – for ego-driven politics or factionalism. What we need now is leadership rooted in service rather than self-interest – leadership capable of rising above personal ambition and placing the national interest first.

History offers lessons. In 1965, Singapore emerged abruptly from its merger with Malaysia – small, vulnerable, and uncertain of its future. Through disciplined governance, unity of purpose, and long-term planning, it transformed itself within decades. Tibet’s situation is vastly different, but the principle remains relevant: clarity of purpose and collective responsibility are indispensable to survival and success.

The renewed mandate of 2026 must translate into:

• Healing internal divisions.
• Strengthening unity across provinces and religious traditions.
• Engaging younger generations.
• Sharpening our international advocacy.
• Safeguarding the social, cultural, and economic wellbeing of Tibetans in exile.

This is not a moment for triumphalism. It is a moment for accountability, maturity, and renewal.

Hope as Political Discipline

When I placed my ballot in the box in London, I did so with hope – not naïve optimism, but disciplined hope grounded in responsibility.

Hope that our leaders will lead wisely.
Hope that our community will remain engaged.
Hope that we will reform where reform is needed.
And hope that one day Tibetans everywhere – inside Tibet and in exile – will vote freely in our own homeland.

Democracy alone will not free Tibet. But without democracy, we risk losing our moral authority, our unity, and our sense of direction as a people.

The mandate has been delivered. The responsibility is immense.

Our democracy must not merely endure as a symbol of exile. It must evolve as the living foundation of a future Tibet – just, accountable, united, and free.

Tsering Passang is a London-based Tibetan blogger and the founder–chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. A long-standing Tibetan human rights advocate, he works internationally to advance justice, freedom, and peaceful solutions for Tibetans and other persecuted communities living under authoritarian rule. His writing can be found at www.Tsamtruk.com.

Revisiting Tibet’s Status Before Communist China’s 1950 Invasion

Tsering Passang | 12 February 2026

Long before the People’s Republic of China (PRC) asserted control over Tibet, the Tibetan people exercised self-rule and formally affirmed their independence. On 13 February 1913, following the collapse of the Manchu (Qing) Empire and the expulsion of remaining Chinese forces from Tibet, the Great 13th Dalai Lama issued a historic proclamation. This largely overlooked declaration directly challenges the narrative that Tibet has “always been part of China” and provides essential context for understanding the events leading to the 1950 invasion.

Like many nations, Tibet has experienced periods of strength and vulnerability across more than two millennia of recorded history. From the 7th to the 9th centuries, during its imperial era, Tibet expanded significantly, at times controlling territories in what are now parts of China and Central Asia. By contrast, internal divisions and political weakness led to territorial losses and foreign incursions, including the British invasion in the early twentieth century, which forced Tibetan leaders into exile in Mongolia or India.

Tibet is a landlocked highland country roughly the size of Western Europe, with much of its territory lying between 3,000 and 5,000 metres above sea level, and a population of around six million. It is bordered by China and Mongolia to the north, Xinjiang (East Turkestan) to the west, and India, Bhutan, and Nepal to the south, with Burma (Myanmar) to the south-east. During British colonial rule in India, Colonel Francis Younghusband led an expedition to Tibet in 1903–04 to secure trade routes and counter perceived Russian influence in the region.

The expedition comprised around 1,000 combat troops – including British officers, Gurkhas, Punjabis, Pathans, Sikhs, and engineers – supported by some 2,000 auxiliary personnel, 7,000 porters, nearly 3,000 yaks, and 7,000 mules. Younghusband reportedly brought with him 67 shirts and 18 pairs of boots.

Tibetan resistance was met with superior British firepower, resulting in heavy Tibetan casualties. Estimates for the entire expedition range from 2,000 to 3,000 Tibetans killed or fatally wounded, while British losses remained minimal – no fatalities and only 12 wounded in the earliest major clashes. By the time British forces reached Lhasa, Tibet’s capital, the 13th Dalai Lama had already fled to Mongolia.

The resulting 1904 Convention between Tibet and Great Britain – archived in London’s Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office (FCDO) – granted trade rights, defined borders, and barred foreign intervention in Tibetan affairs without British consent. Notably, China was not a signatory to this agreement. British forces withdrew following its signing, while the British Trade Mission, later headed by Hugh Richardson, remained in Lhasa until 1947. Richardson briefly served as independent India’s representative until his departure in 1950.

In 1910, Qing forces invaded Tibet, forcing the Dalai Lama into exile in India. The 1911 Chinese Revolution soon brought an end to the Qing Dynasty, enabling Tibetans to expel the remaining Manchu troops. The Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa in January 1913.

On 13 February 1913, the 13th Dalai Lama issued the Proclamation of Tibetan Independence, declaring:

Tibet is a country with rich natural resources; but it is not scientifically advanced like other lands. We are a small, religious, and independent nation. To keep up with the rest of the world, we must defend our country. In view of past invasions by foreigners, our people may have to face certain difficulties, which they must disregard. To safeguard and maintain the independence of our country, one and all should voluntarily work hard. Our subject citizens residing near the borders should be alert and keep the government informed by special messenger of any suspicious developments. Our subjects must not create major clashes between two nations because of minor incidents.”

For nearly four decades thereafter, Tibet governed itself internally and conducted foreign relations as a de facto independent state. Tibet’s official Trade Delegation, led by Finance Minister Wangchuk Shakapa and traveling with Tibetan passports, visited the United States, Britain, Japan, India, and other countries. This period ended with the People’s Republic of China’s military invasion in 1949–50, described by Beijing as a “peaceful liberation” but regarded by Tibetans as an illegal occupation that systematically targeted their religion, culture, and national identity. China’s invasion and subsequent occupation of the Buddhist nation are widely believed by Tibetans to have caused the deaths of 1.2 million people.

Historical evidence of Tibet’s independence includes the stone pillar (doring) outside the Jokhang Temple in Lhasa, inscribed with the 821–822 Tibet–China treaty, which states: “Tibetans shall be happy in the land of Tibet, and Chinese shall be happy in the land of China.” This treaty underscores that Tibet and China were recognised as distinct political entities centuries before the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 or the People’s Republic of China in 1949.

PROCLAMATION ISSUED BY H.H. THE DALAI LAMA XIII, ON THE EIGHTH DAY OF THE FIRST MONTH OF THE WATER-OX YEAR (1913)

Translation of the Tibetan Text:

“I, the Dalai Lama, most omniscient possessor of the Buddhist faith, whose title was conferred by the Lord Buddha’s command from the glorious land of India, speak to you as follows:

I am speaking to all classes of Tibetan people. Lord Buddha, from the glorious country of India, prophesied that the reincarnations of Avalokitesvara, through successive rulers from the early religious kings to the present day, would look after the welfare of Tibet.

During the time of Genghis Khan and Altan Khan of the Mongols, the Ming dynasty of the Chinese, and the Ch’ing Dynasty of the Manchus, Tibet and China cooperated on the basis of benefactor and priest relationship. A few years ago, the Chinese authorities in Szechuan and Yunnan endeavored to colonize our territory. They brought large numbers of troops into central Tibet on the pretext of policing the trade marts. I, therefore, left Lhasa with my ministers for the Indo-Tibetan border, hoping to clarify to the Manchu emperor by wire that the existing relationship between Tibet and China had been that of patron and priest and had not been based on the subordination of one to the other. There was no other choice for me but to cross the border, because Chinese troops were following with the intention of taking me alive or dead.

On my arrival in India, I dispatched several telegrams to the Emperor; but his reply to my demands was delayed by corrupt officials at Peking. Meanwhile, the Manchu empire collapsed. The Tibetans were encouraged to expel the Chinese from central Tibet. I, too, returned safely to my rightful and sacred country, and I am now in the course of driving out the remnants of Chinese troops from DoKham in Eastern Tibet. Now, the Chinese intention of colonizing Tibet under the patron-priest relationship has faded like a rainbow in the sky. Having once again achieved for ourselves a period of happiness and peace, I have now allotted to all of you the following duties to be carried out without negligence:

1. Peace and happiness in this world can only be maintained by preserving the faith of Buddhism. It is, therefore, essential to preserve all Buddhist institutions in Tibet, such as the Jokhang temple and Ramoche in Lhasa, Samye, and Traduk in southern Tibet, and the three great monasteries, etc.
2. The various Buddhist sects in Tibet should be kept in a distinct and pure form. Buddhism should be taught, learned, and meditated upon properly. Except for special persons, the administrators of monasteries are forbidden to trade, loan money, deal in any kind of livestock, and/or subjugate another’s subjects.
3. The Tibetan government’s civil and military officials, when collecting taxes or dealing with their subject citizens, should carry out their duties with fair and honest judgment so as to benefit the government without hurting the interests of the subject citizens. Some of the central government officials posted at Ngari Korsum in western Tibet, and Do Kham in eastern Tibet, are coercing their subject citizens to purchase commercial goods at high prices and have imposed transportation rights exceeding the limit permitted by the government. Houses, properties and lands belonging to subject citizens have been confiscated on the pretext of minor breaches of the law. Furthermore, the amputation of citizens’ limbs has been carried out as a form of punishment. Henceforth, such severe punishments are forbidden.
4. Tibet is a country with rich natural resources; but it is not scientifically advanced like other lands. We are a small, religious, and independent nation. To keep up with the rest of the world, we must defend our country. In view of past invasions by foreigners, our people may have to face certain difficulties, which they must disregard. To safeguard and maintain the independence of our country, one and all should voluntarily work hard. Our subject citizens residing near the borders should be alert and keep the government informed by special messenger of any suspicious developments. Our subjects must not create major clashes between two nations because of minor incidents.
5. Tibet, although thinly populated, is an extensive country. Some local officials and landholders are jealously obstructing other people from developing vacant lands, even though they are not doing so themselves. People with such intentions are enemies of the State and our progress. From now on, no one is allowed to obstruct anyone else from cultivating whatever vacant lands are available. Land taxes will not be collected until three years have passed; after that the land cultivator will have to pay taxes to the government and to the landlord every year, proportionate to the rent. The land will belong to the cultivator.

Your duties to the government and to the people will have been achieved when you have executed all that I have said here. This letter must be posted and proclaimed in every district of Tibet, and a copy kept in the records of the offices in every district.

The Way Ahead

Today, many Tibetans – both inside Tibet and across the diaspora, particularly among younger generations – advocate the restoration of full independence as the only enduring solution to the Sino-Tibetan conflict. Each year on 13 February, Tibetans around the world organise commemorations and peaceful protests to mark the 1913 Proclamation and reaffirm Tibet’s status as an independent country prior to the 1950 invasion.

On 29 January 2026, Sikyong Penpa Tsering, President of the Central Tibetan Administration, attended the Washington, D.C. launch of Professor Hon-Shiang Lau’s book Tibet Was Never Part of China Since Antiquity (Optimum Publishing International). Drawing exclusively on authoritative Chinese historical records, the book rigorously demonstrates that Tibet was never incorporated into China in antiquity, strengthening both Tibetan and Western scholarship. The event, hosted by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), featured Professor Lau, Ambassador Sam Brownback, Bhuchung K. Tsering of the International Campaign for Tibet, Damian Wilson, NED’s President and CEO, Dean Baxendale, CEO of Optimum Publishing International, and moderator Josh Rogin of The Washington Post.

Meanwhile, the India-based Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), commonly known as Tibet’s government-in-exile, continues to pursue the Middle Way Approach (MWA), championed by His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and unanimously adopted by the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile. The MWA seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within the framework of the PRC, enabling Tibetans to preserve their culture, language, religion, and environment.

Beijing’s continued rejection of this approach has led Tibetans to persist in their advocacy through global awareness, historical truth, and non-violent efforts towards a just and peaceful resolution.

11 February 2026 | Tsering Passang

In an era defined by information abundance – and distortion – clarity is both a moral necessity and a civic responsibility. Recent attempts to associate His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama with Jeffrey Epstein represent not journalism, not inquiry, but the calculated manufacture of doubt.

On 8 February 2026, the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued a clear and unequivocal statement:

“Some recent media reports and social media posts concerning the ‘Epstein Files’ are attempting to link His Holiness the Dalai Lama with Jeffrey Epstein.
We can unequivocally confirm that His Holiness has never met Jeffrey Epstein or authorised any meeting or interaction with him by anyone on His Holiness’s behalf.”

This statement is not rhetorical. It is a categorical fact.

The Facts: A Forensic Review of the Epstein Files

In late January, the United States Department of Justice released approximately 3.5 million responsive pages pursuant to the Epstein Files Transparency Act. Shortly thereafter, certain Chinese state-affiliated media outlets – including China Tibet Online, ThePaper.cn, CGTN and others – initiated a coordinated narrative attempting to weaponise the release against His Holiness.

In response, the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), through its Crisis Management Committee and in consultation with the Kashag (Cabinet), conducted an exhaustive review of the released documents.

The Tibetan Computer Resources Centre (TCRC) undertook a rigorous technical and contextual analysis using replicable methodological standards, including:

• Document acquisition and authentication
• Text extraction and normalisation
• Keyword pattern matching
• Contextual window analysis
• Deduplication and clustering
• Categorisation of references

Initial raw searches showed:

• “Dalai Lama” appearing 154 times
• “Dali Lama” appearing 59 times

However, after filtering for duplicate documents and repeated email chains, unique instances were reduced dramatically:

• “Dalai Lama” and “Dalai” – 59 unique references
• “Dali Lama” – 9 unique references

Crucially, all references were third-party mentions – informal, speculative, or contextual in nature. None established:

• A meeting
• A relationship
• Correspondence
• Direct participation
• Or acknowledgement by His Holiness or anyone acting on his behalf

The Committee determined unequivocally that there exists no evidence of interaction between His Holiness the Dalai Lama and Jeffrey Epstein.

The 2015 Email That Refutes the 2012 Claim

Some reports – most notably an article published on 2 February 2026 by The Financial Express titled “The Dalai Lama met with Jeffrey Epstein in 2012, was named 169 times in new emails” – advanced a narrative unsupported by the record.

In response, CTA Political Secretary Tashi Gyatso formally wrote to the newspaper’s editor clarifying:

• The “mentions” do not confirm any meeting.
• They do not reflect any donation solicited or received.
• Email correspondence from 2015–2017 shows Epstein and his associates attempting to arrange a meeting with His Holiness.
• An email dated 10 May 2015 demonstrates Epstein’s ongoing efforts to secure an audience as late as 2015.

This timeline alone refutes the claim that a meeting occurred in 2012. If such a meeting had taken place, there would have been no need for “desperate attempts” three years later to secure one.

The documentary record therefore undermines the allegation it has been used to propagate.

Transparency as Institutional Practice

Unlike many public figures, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has maintained a comprehensive and publicly accessible record of his meetings and engagements dating back to 1959. No meeting with Jeffrey Epstein appears in that archive – because none occurred.

Moreover, no reputable international news organisation, particularly within the United States where the documents originated, has substantiated the claim of any meeting.

The narrative has instead been amplified primarily through channels with clear geopolitical motivations.

Disinformation as Political Instrument

The pattern is neither new nor accidental. The moral authority of His Holiness – rooted in nonviolence, compassion, interfaith dialogue, and advocacy for human dignity – has long unsettled those who conflate spiritual leadership with political dissent.

Disinformation functions not by proving falsehoods, but by repeating insinuations until confusion replaces clarity.

In this instance, the strategy is transparent:

1. Extract isolated keyword mentions from a massive document release.
2. Ignore duplication, context, and content.
3. Inflate numerical references.
4. Conflate third-party speculation with documented interaction.
5. Circulate through aligned media ecosystems.

This is not investigative journalism. It is narrative engineering.

In a global media environment increasingly vulnerable to manipulation, such tactics demand intellectual vigilance. The harm of disinformation extends beyond reputational injury; it erodes public trust in evidence, method, and truth itself.

A Call for Media Responsibility

The Central Tibetan Administration rightly calls upon independent media organisations worldwide to exercise rigorous due diligence in research and reporting.

Responsible journalism requires:

• Verification beyond keyword counts
• Contextual reading of source documents
• Distinguishing mention from meeting
• Distinguishing solicitation from participation

Failure to uphold these standards risks transforming legitimate press institutions into inadvertent conduits for geopolitical propaganda.

The Larger Moral Context

His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s life work – over six decades in exile – has been defined by moral consistency: nonviolence, compassion, interdependence, and the pursuit of truth through dialogue.

That such a figure should be targeted by opportunistic narrative construction is regrettable but unsurprising. History shows that voices grounded in ethical clarity often attract distortion from those unsettled by them.

Yet facts remain stubborn.

After comprehensive technical scrutiny, contextual analysis, and documentary review, the conclusion is unequivocal:

His Holiness the Dalai Lama has never met Jeffrey Epstein.
Any claim to the contrary is unfounded and constitutes misinformation.

At a time when information can be weaponised, truth must be defended not with outrage, but with evidence.

For a detailed breakdown of TCRC’s methodological review, readers may consult the full CTA report published on 9th February 2026.

In the long arc of history, integrity outlives insinuation.

GATPM | 3rd February 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities warmly welcomes the Grammy Award for Best Audiobook, Narration and Storytelling bestowed upon His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama for “Meditations: The Reflections of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.” This recognition is a powerful affirmation of the universal values of peace, compassion, non-violence, environmental responsibility, and the oneness of humanity – values that transcend borders, politics, and ideology.

His Holiness’s words upon receiving the award reflect the very essence of his lifelong message:

“I receive this recognition with gratitude and humility. I don’t see it as something personal, but as a recognition of our shared universal responsibility. I truly believe that peace, compassion, care for our environment, and an understanding of the oneness of humanity are essential for the collective well-being of all eight billion human beings. I’m grateful that this Grammy recognition can help spread these messages more widely.”

This Grammy is not merely an artistic honour; it is a global acknowledgment of moral leadership rooted in empathy, dialogue, and responsibility toward all sentient beings.

We strongly condemn the reaction of China’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson, Lin Jian, who sought to politicise and delegitimise this international recognition by repeating long-standing accusations and framing the award as “anti-China political manipulation.” 

Such remarks represent an unwarranted interference in global cultural and moral recognition, and once again reveal the Chinese government’s intolerance toward independent voices of conscience – particularly those advocating peace and human dignity.

To portray His Holiness the Dalai Lama – a Nobel Peace Prize laureate and one of the world’s most respected spiritual leaders – as a threat simply for promoting compassion and non-violence is not only disingenuous, but profoundly revealing. It underscores the broader pattern of repression faced by Tibetans and other persecuted minorities whose identities, beliefs, and histories continue to be systematically undermined.

International awards such as the Grammy are not tools of political manipulation. They are expressions of global appreciation for ideas and contributions that uplift humanity. Attempts by any government to dictate whom the world may honour are an affront to freedom of expression, cultural autonomy, and the shared ethical space of the global community.

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities stands in unwavering solidarity with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and with all communities whose peaceful voices are silenced or distorted by authoritarian narratives. We call upon the international community to resist intimidation, reject politicised censorship, and continue to uphold universal values over coercion.

This Grammy Award is a reminder that compassion cannot be suppressed, truth cannot be erased, and moral clarity cannot be dictated by state power.

Tsering Passang | 1st February 2026

Today, I cast my vote in London to elect the Sikyong and Chithues of Tibet’s government-in-exile — the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) based in India. It was a simple act on the surface, yet one filled with deep meaning, history, and responsibility.

Every five years, Tibetans living in exile across some 27 countries participate in a democratic process to choose our political leadership. This, in itself, is extraordinary. Despite being a stateless people, scattered across continents, Tibetans continue to exercise democratic rights with dignity, discipline, and faith in a collective future. Our elected leaders carry a dual responsibility: to advance the political cause of Tibet on the international stage, and to safeguard the social, cultural, and economic wellbeing of the Tibetan exile community.

At the same time, they must continue to speak out and draw global attention to China’s policies that severely restrict religious freedom, cultural expression, and basic human rights inside occupied Tibet. Tibetans living inside Tibet are denied even the most basic civic freedoms; they cannot vote, assemble freely, or express political opinions without fear of severe repercussions. Their voices are systematically silenced — making it all the more important that Tibetans in exile speak responsibly, strategically, and with unity on their behalf.

Even in exile, the right to vote is not equally accessible to all Tibetans. Tibetans in Nepal, in particular, are forced to cast their votes in fear and often in hiding, especially since 2011. There have been repeated instances where ballot boxes were seized or disrupted by Nepalese authorities under pressure from China. The simple act of voting — celebrated as a democratic right elsewhere — becomes an act of quiet resistance for Tibetans in Nepal. This reality should weigh heavily on all of us who are fortunate enough to vote freely.

This democratic system is one of the greatest gifts bestowed upon the Tibetan people by His Holiness the XIVth Dalai Lama. Long before stepping back from political authority, His Holiness envisioned a future where Tibetans would govern themselves through democratic institutions rather than depend on a single individual. As he turns 91 this July, Tibetan democracy in exile stands as a living testament to his foresight, humility, and unwavering faith in his people.

As I cast my vote, I did so with the belief that my voice — however small — matters. That I have a say in Tibet’s future. Participation is not merely a right; it is a responsibility, especially when our people continue to endure repression inside Tibet and prolonged uncertainty in exile.

That said, our democratic system must continue to evolve. Postal voting facilities are still not available, limiting participation for many Tibetans who live far from polling stations due to work, health, or financial constraints. This is an issue the Central Election Commission must seriously address if we are to make Tibetan democracy more inclusive and representative.

Likewise, the voting age should be lowered from 18 to 16. If young Tibetans are old enough to understand their identity, history, and struggle, they are old enough to have a voice in shaping their future. Under the current system, a Tibetan who misses voting at 18 may not get another chance until they are 22 or even 23 — an entire generation’s formative years lost to disengagement. If we want our youth to take ownership of the freedom struggle, we must trust them with responsibility.

My hope is that those elected will rise above personal ambition and petty infighting. The Tibetan struggle is far too serious, and the stakes far too high, for ego-driven politics or factionalism. What we need is unity, long-term vision, and leadership rooted in service rather than self-interest.

Singapore offers an instructive example. In 1965, after a brief merger with Malaysia following British colonial rule, Singapore was expelled and left to survive on its own — small, vulnerable, and surrounded by uncertainty with no resources. Yet through disciplined governance, unity of purpose, and an uncompromising focus on the common good, Singapore transformed itself into a stable and prosperous nation within just 50 years.

The Tibetan situation is, of course, vastly different. But the lesson remains relevant: progress demands clarity of purpose, collective responsibility, and leaders who place the future of their people above personal differences.

Today’s vote is not the end of the journey — it is one step in a long and unfinished struggle. Democracy alone will not free Tibet. But without democracy, we risk losing our moral authority, our unity, and our sense of direction as a people.

I voted with hope.
Hope that our leaders will lead wisely.
Hope that our community will stay engaged.
And hope that one day, Tibetans everywhere — inside Tibet and in exile — will be able to vote freely in our own homeland.

GATPM, London | 22 January 2026

The Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities (GATPM) unequivocally condemns today’s decision at the West Kowloon Courts, which once again lays bare the systematic destruction of Hong Kong’s freedoms under the National Security Law.

As posted on a social platform by veteran Hong Kong democrat Emily Lau, pro-democracy leaders Lee Cheuk-yan and Wu Hing-yun have now been imprisoned for 1,590 days, while Albert Ho has been incarcerated for 1,380 days. These are not isolated judicial outcomes; they are emblematic of a deliberate campaign to criminalise peaceful dissent, dismantle civil society, and govern through fear.

Such repression constitutes a clear and continuing breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration — a legally binding international treaty signed between the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China on 19 December 1984, in Beijing. The Declaration set the terms for the transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong on 1 July 1997, and guaranteed the territory’s autonomy, rights, and freedoms. These solemn international commitments have been systematically violated.

“What we are witnessing in Hong Kong is not the application of justice, but the punishment of truth,” said Tsering Passang, Chair of the Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities. “The continued imprisonment of peaceful democrats under the National Security Law is a flagrant breach of the Sino-British Joint Declaration and a warning to the world that treaty commitments mean nothing if they are not defended. Silence is not neutrality — it is complicity.”

The injustice unfolding in Hong Kong is not a local issue; it is a global warning. In Davos, Switzerland, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney recently delivered what may come to be recognised as an era-defining speech, urging democracies — particularly “middle powers” — to stop “living within a lie” and to defend human rights, sovereignty, and the rule of law through values-based realism. His message resonates powerfully today, not only for Canada, but for the United Kingdom, Australia, Europe, and all societies that claim to stand for freedom.

The continued imprisonment of Hong Kong’s democratic leaders and human rights advocates demonstrates the cost of international silence and accommodation. Authoritarian systems do not moderate in response to compliance; they are emboldened by it.

GATPM therefore calls on democratic governments, international institutions, and civil society to act with urgency and clarity by:

• Publicly reaffirming the legal force of the Sino-British Joint Declaration
• Demanding the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners in Hong Kong
• Acting collectively, as middle powers and allies, to defend universal human rights and the rule of law

In particular, GATPM calls on UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer to raise these grave violations directly with Chinese leaders in Beijing during his visit to China next week, and to reaffirm that treaty obligations and human dignity are not negotiable.

The powerful may wield coercion — but truth, solidarity, and principled action endure. History will judge not only those who oppress, but those who remain silent. We must choose to stand, clearly and collectively, on the right side of history.

Contact:

Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities